Просмотр кода страницы Английская Википедия:Anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping

{{Английская Википедия/Панель перехода}}
{{Short description|2012–present anti-corruption campaign in China}}
{{expand Chinese|date=March 2023|topic=gov}}
[[File:18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China.jpg|thumb|280px|An unprecedented anti-corruption campaign began after the conclusion of the [[18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|18th National Congress]] of the [[Chinese Communist Party]] held in Beijing in November 2012.]]

{{History of the People's Republic of China}}{{Politics of China |expanded = Supervision }}A far-reaching '''anti-corruption campaign''' began in [[China]] following the conclusion of the [[18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|18th National Congress]] of the [[Chinese Communist Party]] (CCP) in 2012. The campaign, carried out under the aegis of [[Xi Jinping]], [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party]], was the largest organized anti-corruption effort in the history of CCP rule in China.

Upon taking office, Xi vowed to crack down on "tigers and flies", that is, high-level officials and local civil servants alike.  Most of the officials investigated were removed from office and faced accusations of bribery and abuse of power, although the range of alleged abuses varied widely. The campaign 'netted' [[Officials implicated by the anti-corruption campaign in China (2012–2017)|over 120 high-ranking officials]], including about a dozen high-ranking military officers, several senior executives of state-owned companies, and five national leaders.<ref name="Chinapower-2016">{{cite news|url=http://chinapower.csis.org/can-xi-jinpings-anti-corruption-campaign-succeed/|title=Can Xi Jinping's Anti Corruption Campaign Succeed?|newspaper=Chinapower Project |publisher=ChinaPowerCSIS|date=2016-06-13|access-date=2017-05-31|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170622044333/http://chinapower.csis.org/can-xi-jinpings-anti-corruption-campaign-succeed/|archive-date=2017-06-22|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://media.china.com.cn/cmjujiao/2015-03-21/396575.html |script-title=zh:第99"虎"落马警示了啥？|date=March 21, 2015|language=zh|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150416074510/http://media.china.com.cn/cmjujiao/2015-03-21/396575.html|archive-date=April 16, 2015|url-status=dead}}</ref> As of 2023, approximately 2.3 million government officials have been prosecuted.<ref name="Jin-2023">{{Cite book |last=Jin |first=Keyu |title=The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism |date=2023 |publisher=Viking |isbn=978-1-9848-7828-1 |location=New York |author-link=Keyu Jin}}</ref>{{Rp|page=129}} The campaign is part of a much wider drive to clean up malfeasance within party ranks and shore up party unity. It has become an emblematic feature of Xi Jinping's political brand.

{{Quotebox
| quote = We should continue to catch '''"tigers" as well as "flies"''' when dealing with cases of leading officials in violation of Party discipline and state laws as well as misconduct and corruption problems that directly affect the people's interests. All are equal before the law and Party discipline; whoever is involved in a corruption case must be thoroughly and impartially investigated.
| author = — Xi Jinping,  "Power Must Be "Caged" by the System", [[Qiushi]] January 22, 2013
| source = <ref>{{cite web |title=Qiushi Journal |url=http://en.qstheory.cn/2021-05/31/c_627292.htm |publisher=[[Qiushi]] |accessdate=19 January 2024}}</ref>
| align = center
}}

Executed largely under the direction of the [[Central Commission for Discipline Inspection]] (CCDI) and its [[Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection|Secretary]] from 2012 to 2017 [[Wang Qishan]] along with corresponding military and judicial organs, the campaign was notable in implicating both incumbent and former national-level leaders, including former [[Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party|Politburo Standing Committee]] (PSC) member [[Zhou Yongkang]] and former [[Central Military Commission (China)|Central Military Commission]] (CMC) [[Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission|vice-chairmen]] [[Xu Caihou]] and [[Guo Boxiong]]. Such investigations broke the unspoken rule regarding 'PSC [[Legal immunity|criminal immunity]]' ({{zh|c=刑不上常委}}) that has been the norm since the end of the [[Cultural Revolution]].<ref>{{cite news|last1=Ma|first1=Haoliang|title=Which PSC members are no longer called "Comrades"?|url=http://news.takungpao.com/special/szqh_changwei/|work=Ta Kung Pao|access-date=2015-03-12|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150302015030/http://news.takungpao.com/special/szqh_changwei/|archive-date=2015-03-02|url-status=live}}</ref>

== Campaign oversight ==
{{See also|Central Commission for Discipline Inspection#Duties and responsibilities}}

[[File:Wang Qishan in 2016.jpg|thumb|180px|Wang Qishan, head of the [[18th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection]], the party's anti-graft agency]]

The agency directly charged with overseeing the campaign is the CCDI, which, at the time of the campaign, was headed by [[Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection|Secretary]] [[Wang Qishan]], a politician known for his work in the financial sector and one of the seven members of the CCP Politburo Standing Committee. <ref>{{Cite news |date=2018-03-17 |title=习近平全票当选国家主席 王岐山以一票反对当选国家副主席 |language=zh-hans |trans-title=From educated youth to politician: Wang Qishan was elected vice president of China by one vote against |work=BBC News 中文 |url=https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/simp/chinese-news-43440065 |access-date=2023-06-24}}</ref> Wang was in charge of the day-to-day execution of the campaign. The CCDI's official mandate is to enforce party discipline, combat malfeasance, and punish party members for committing offenses. The CCDI is an internal agency of the party and therefore does not have judicial authority. In general, the CCDI investigates officials and, when necessary, forwards evidence gathered to judicial organs, such as the [[Supreme People's Procuratorate]] (in charge of investigation and prosecution), who proceeds to charge the accused with criminal wrongdoing and move the case to trial.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-01-04 |title=中共中央印发中国共产党纪律检查委员会工作条例_中央有关文件_中国政府网 |trans-title=The CPC Central Committee issued regulations on the work of the CPC Commission for Discipline Inspection |url=https://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2022-01/04/content_5666380.htm |access-date=2023-06-24 |website=www.gov.cn}}</ref>

While the CCDI formally reports into the Party Congress, nominally the highest representative body of the party which gathers once every five years, and is intended to be an 'independent' agency from a constitutional standpoint, in practice ultimate oversight of the agency falls under the purview of Xi Jinping by virtue of holding the office of [[General Secretary of the Communist Party of China|General Secretary]] (i.e., ''de facto'' [[Paramount leader|leader]]).<ref>{{cite news | url = http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=43499&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=25&cHash=1b92b9b37fc254cf70594ef2b8f45595#.VN_Z5VPF9sB | title = Growing CCDI Power Brings Questions of Politically-Motivated Purge | author = Lam, Willy | newspaper = Jamestown | publisher = [[The Jamestown Foundation]] | date = 4 February 2015 | access-date = 15 February 2015 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20150215030717/http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=43499&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=25&cHash=1b92b9b37fc254cf70594ef2b8f45595#.VN_Z5VPF9sB | archive-date = 15 February 2015 | url-status = live }}</ref> Xi, who also directs anti-graft efforts of the military through his holding the office of [[Chairman of the Central Military Commission (China)|Chairman of the Central Military Commission]] (i.e., [[Supreme Military Command of the People's Republic of China|commander-in-chief]]). The majority of reporting on the campaign by media sources have highlighted Xi Jinping's direct involvement in managing the campaign, which has become a central hallmark of his term in office. However, formal disciplinary measures meted out to high-ranking officials such as former Politburo members must undergo ratification by the sitting Politburo.<ref>{{Cite web |last= |last2= |date=2022-01-12 |title=中国国家主席习近平的治下10年让中国发生了怎样的变化？ |trans-title=How has China changed in the past 10 years under President Xi Jinping? |url=https://www.abc.net.au/chinese/2022-01-12/xi-jinping-10-years-power-china-leadership-ccp/100749682 |access-date=2023-06-24 |website=www.abc.net.au |language=en-AU}}</ref>

The power of anticorruption is centralized to the CCP Politburo Standing Committee by undermining the original functions of the local Discipline Inspection Commissions. Coordination of [[anti-corruption]] efforts in the provinces and state-owned enterprises have been carried out by "central inspection teams" ({{zh|labels=no|s=中央巡视组}}), which reports to the [[Central Leading Group for Inspection Work]], which like the CCDI is also led by Wang Qishan. The inspection teams are typically 'stationed' for a few months at the organization they were tasked with overseeing, and are in charge of thorough audits into the conduct of officials and organizational practices. The inspection teams send the results of the audits to the CCDI to enact formal investigative procedures such as ''[[Shuanggui]]'' (the practice of detaining individual party members for investigation).<ref>{{cite news|language=zh |script-title=zh:中央巡视工作领导小组向中央负责|url=http://stock.sohu.com/20131105/n389621642.shtml|work=Sohu|date=November 5, 2013|access-date=2015-03-29|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170211160729/http://stock.sohu.com/20131105/n389621642.shtml|archive-date=2017-02-11|url-status=dead}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

The proposed constitutional changes published on February 25 envision the creation of a new anti-graft state agency that merges the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and various anti-corruption government departments.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/china/policies-politics/article/2134656/chinas-new-super-graft-buster-will-outrank-courts-and|title=China's new super graft-buster will outrank courts and prosecutors|work=South China Morning Post|access-date=2018-02-26|language=en|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180225221156/http://www.scmp.com/news/china/policies-politics/article/2134656/chinas-new-super-graft-buster-will-outrank-courts-and|archive-date=2018-02-25|url-status=live}}</ref> The thus formed [[National Supervisory Commission]] will be the highest supervisory body in the country, and will be a cabinet-level organization outranking courts and the office of the prosecutor.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018-02/25/c_1122451187.htm|language=zh|script-title=zh:（受权发布）中国共产党中央委员会关于修改宪法部分内容的建议-新华网|website=www.xinhuanet.com|access-date=2018-02-26|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180225153932/http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2018-02/25/c_1122451187.htm|archive-date=2018-02-25|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

==Chronology==

===Background===
[[File:Distribution map of implicated officials (Provincial-Ministerial level and higher) since 18th CPC National Congress.jpg|280px|thumbnail|A distribution map of implicated officials (Provincial-Ministerial level and higher) since the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.]]
Anti-corruption efforts have been on the agenda of successive Chinese leaders, though the effectiveness of these campaigns have varied. Since economic reforms began in 1978, political corruption in China has grown significantly. The types of offenses vary, though usually they involve trading bribes for political favours, such as local businesses trying to secure large government contracts or subordinates seeking promotions for higher office.<ref>{{cite news|title=China's Bribery Culture Poses Risks for Multinationals|url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-11-21/china-s-bribery-culture-poses-risks-for-multinationals|work=Bloomberg|date=November 21, 2013|access-date=March 5, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161223075754/https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-11-21/china-s-bribery-culture-poses-risks-for-multinationals|archive-date=December 23, 2016|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|last1=Sheehan|first1=Matt|title=How To Bribe Your Way Into The Chinese Government|url=https://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/12/01/chinese-government-buy-of_n_6247742.html|work=The Huffington Post|date=December 1, 2014|access-date=April 18, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150625211937/http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/12/01/chinese-government-buy-of_n_6247742.html|archive-date=June 25, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

At the 18th Party Congress, both outgoing General Secretary [[Hu Jintao]] and incoming party leader Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasized corruption is a threat to the party's survival. Xi made special mention of corruption in his inaugural speech as General Secretary on November 15, 2012.<ref name="Bradsher-2012"/> In his first days in office, Xi vowed to crack down on "tigers and flies", that is, high-ranking officials and petty civil servants alike. He also warned his colleagues on the Politburo that corruption would "doom the party and state."<ref name="Bradsher-2012">{{cite news|last1=Bradsher|first1=Keith|title=China's Anticorruption Commission Investigates Senior Official|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/06/world/asia/early-target-of-chinas-anti-corruption-commission-identified.html|work=The New York Times|date=December 5, 2012|access-date=February 26, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180131072028/http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/06/world/asia/early-target-of-chinas-anti-corruption-commission-identified.html|archive-date=January 31, 2018|url-status=live}}</ref>

{{Quotebox
| quote = In other cases, some violate the regulation regarding officials reporting major personal matters...Some [Cadres] do not report the fact that their children or spouses have stayed abroad for a long time. According to regulations, officials should report to the Party organization if their family members settle down abroad. They think it unnecessary to report since their family members have not officially settled down abroad. Some do not report major changes in their family situation. Even after they have been divorced or remarried for years, the Party organization is still kept in the dark. '''Some have many passports and even fake ID cards'''. Should not these things be reported? According to the rules, they should report them. Why do some keep such things unreported? One reason is that they do not know the rules, and the other is that they have ulterior motives.

Recent years of investigations into serious violations of Party discipline and state laws by high-ranking officials, [[Zhou Yongkang]], [[Bo Xilai]], [[Xu Caihou]], [[Ling Jihua]] and [[Su Rong]] in particular, show that violations of the Party's political discipline and political rules have become a prominent problem and must be treated with the utmost importance. In the case of such people, the greater power and higher position they hold, the less they take the Party's political discipline and rules seriously. Some of their conduct is outrageous. Driven by their overinflated political ambitions and eagerness to acquire personal gain or the benefit of their inner circle, some '''resort to political conspiracies against the Party and plot to undermine and divide it.'''
| author = — Xi Jinping, "Observe Discipline and Rules", [[Qiushi]], January 13, 2015
| source = <ref>{{cite web |title=Qiushi Journal |url=http://en.qstheory.cn/2021-05/31/c_627292.htm |publisher=[[Qiushi]] |accessdate=19 January 2024}}</ref>
| align = center
}}

===First regional inspections===
The first salvos of the campaign was the abrupt sacking of [[Sichuan]] Deputy Party Secretary [[Li Chuncheng]], which took place in December 2012, shortly after Xi took office as leader of the CCP.<ref name="Bradsher-2012"/> The first batch of central inspection teams were dispatched in the third quarter of 2013 to various Chinese provinces, including Jiangxi, Inner Mongolia, Chongqing, and Hubei. A handful of provincial-level officials were investigated for corruption and removed from office as a result of the first round of inspection work.<ref name="Chinanews-2014">{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:中央巡视组第一轮工作收尾：7个巡视点6个查出腐败|url=http://www.chinanews.com/gn/2013/09-27/5327995.shtml|work=Chinanews|date=September 27, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402201257/http://www.chinanews.com/gn/2013/09-27/5327995.shtml|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> Of these regions, the inspection team in charge of [[Jiangxi]] uncovered far-reaching official corruption in the province, bringing down about a dozen officials, including Lieutenant Governor [[Yao Mugen]].<ref name="Chinanews-2014"/>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}} The inspection work in Hubei province also resulted in about a dozen cases, including that of Lieutenant Governor [[Guo Youming]]. In Inner Mongolia, head of the party's regional United Front department [[Wang Suyi]] was detained.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh |script-title=zh:湖北高官落马侧证中央巡视组力度|url=http://guancha.gmw.cn/2013-11/28/content_9631406.htm|work=Guancha|agency=Guangming News|date=November 28, 2013|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402113625/http://guancha.gmw.cn/2013-11/28/content_9631406.htm|archive-date=April 2, 2015}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

==='Encircling' Zhou Yongkang===
[[File:Zhou Yongkang.jpg|thumb|200px|Zhou Yongkang was the first [[Politburo Standing Committee]] member investigated for corruption in history]]
Meanwhile, in the latter half of 2013, a separate operation began to investigate officials with connections to [[Zhou Yongkang]], former Politburo Standing Committee member and national security chief. Three sectors in which Zhou was known to carry immense influence were targeted for investigation, including the national oil sector (where Zhou was once a chief executive), Sichuan province (where Zhou was party chief), and security organs (once under the jurisdiction of the [[Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission]], which Zhou headed). Senior officials, such as former China Petroleum chief executive [[Jiang Jiemin]], senior Sichuan officials [[Li Chongxi]] and [[Guo Yongxiang]], and former deputy minister of public security [[Li Dongsheng]] were all dismissed in 2013. Many of Zhou's former secretaries who later received promotions, including [[Ji Wenlin]], [[Tan Li]], [[Shen Dingcheng]], and [[Li Hualin]], were also rounded up for investigation.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2014-03-30 |title=路透：周永康贪腐窝案涉逾900亿元 |trans-title=Zhou Yongkang's corruption case involved more than 90 billion yuan |url=https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/simp/china/2014/03/140330_china_corruption_zhou |access-date=2023-06-24 |website=BBC News 中文 |language=zh-hans}}</ref>

The fall of Jiang Jiemin – who was seen as a close confidant of Zhou Yongkang and who also held membership on the elite [[Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party]] – in September 2013 was seen as an unmistakable sign that the net was closing in on Zhou himself. On December 15, 2013, ''The New York Times'', in a front-page article, confirmed that Zhou Yongkang was the ultimate target of the campaign, and that it would be only a matter of time before the investigation was made public.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Ansfield|first1=Jonathan|last2=Buckley|first2=Chris|title=China Focusing Graft Inquiry on Ex-Official|newspaper=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/16/world/asia/china-presses-corruption-inquiry-of-powerful-former-security-official.html|date=December 15, 2013|access-date=February 26, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170922235938/http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/16/world/asia/china-presses-corruption-inquiry-of-powerful-former-security-official.html|archive-date=September 22, 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> On January 30, 2014, ''Caixin'', a Chinese website known for its investigative journalism, released a video and an accompanying article entitled "The Three 'White Gloves' of Zhou Bin", detailing allegations about the wrongdoing of Zhou Yongkang's son, without mentioning the senior Zhou directly as a means to skirt censorship rules.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:周滨的三只"白手套"|url=http://video.caixin.com/2014-01-30/100635560.html|work=Caixin|date=January 30, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402075019/http://video.caixin.com/2014-01-30/100635560.html|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

===Second regional rounds and Shanxi "political earthquake"===

In November 2013, a second round of inspection teams were dispatched. These teams were sent to the provinces of [[Shanxi]], Jilin, Yunnan, Anhui, Hunan and Guangdong, as well as the Xinhua News Agency, the Ministry of Commerce, and the state-owned company overseeing the construction of the [[Three Gorges Dam]]. In Guangdong, the inspections resulted in the abrupt downfall of the populist party chief of the provincial capital, Guangzhou, [[Wan Qingliang]]. In Yunnan, former provincial party chief [[Bai Enpei]] and Vice Governor [[Shen Peiping]] were implicated in corruption and detained.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:原云南省委书记白恩培被调查|url=http://epaper.ynet.com/html/2014-08/30/content_82457.htm?div=-1|work=Beijing Youth Daily|date=August 30, 2014|access-date=March 29, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402103140/http://epaper.ynet.com/html/2014-08/30/content_82457.htm?div=-1|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

In Shanxi, a coal-producing province in central China, the stationed inspection team picked up on a corruption labyrinth that seeped into almost all aspects of governance in the province, particularly the collusion between local politicians and business elites, most of whom ran coal companies. The inspection initially resulted in the dismissal of Deputy Party Secretary [[Jin Daoming]], Vice Governor [[Du Shanxue]], and [[Ling Zhengce]], the brother of the once powerful chief presidential aide [[Ling Jihua]].<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:中央第二轮巡视10个巡视组全部进驻被巡视单位|url=http://www.chinanews.com/gn/2013/11-03/5456700.shtml|work=Chinanews|date=November 3, 2013|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402200944/http://www.chinanews.com/gn/2013/11-03/5456700.shtml|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

The political drama in Shanxi played out over the third quarter of 2014, as the province experienced a wholesale cleansing of its political establishment with ferocity unseen in the post-Mao era China. Between August 23 and 29, 2014, four sitting members of the province's top governing council, the provincial [[Party Standing Committee]], were sacked in quick succession, giving rise to what became known as the "great Shanxi political earthquake". The province's Party Secretary [[Yuan Chunqing]] was then abruptly transferred out of office, as the central authorities 'parachuted' then [[Jilin]] party chief [[Wang Rulin]] to take his place. During the transfer-of-power announcement in the provincial capital [[Taiyuan]], Politburo Standing Committee member [[Liu Yunshan]] sat centre stage as party organization officials and provincial politicians ran the motions and exchanged obligatory political declarations to stabilize the province and maintain unwavering loyalty to the party centre.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:山西换书记 为何刘云山坐镇？|url=http://www.zaobao.com.sg/special/zbo/story20140902-384503|work=Lianhe Zaobao|date=September 2, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402112500/http://www.zaobao.com.sg/special/zbo/story20140902-384503|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

===Fall of the "Four Big Tigers"===
As the public awaited word on the fate of Zhou Yongkang amid intense rumours circulating inside the country and in international media, on June 30, an announcement came from Beijing that General [[Xu Caihou]], former member of the Politburo and vice chairman of the Central Military Commission from 2004 to 2013, was being expelled from the party for taking bribes in exchange for promotions, and facing criminal prosecution. The CMC Vice-chairman position is the highest position held by a military officer in China, as the chairmanship (commander-in-chief) is customarily occupied by a civilian. Xu was the highest-ranked PLA military officer ever to be implicated in corruption and the first Politburo member investigated for corruption since the sacking of former Chongqing party chief [[Bo Xilai]].<ref>{{cite news|last1=Buckley|first1=Chris|title=China's Antigraft Push Snares an Ex-General|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/01/world/asia/china-moves-against-one-of-its-top-leaders.html|work=The New York Times|date=June 30, 2014|access-date=February 26, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180409004509/https://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/01/world/asia/china-moves-against-one-of-its-top-leaders.html|archive-date=April 9, 2018|url-status=live}}</ref> Unlike the steady build-up of speculation surrounding the Zhou case, the announcement of Xu's expulsion from the party came without any apparent warning. Reports later surfaced that the 71-year-old general, who was going through medical treatment for bladder cancer at [[301 Military Hospital]] in Beijing, was taken from his sick bed in March 2014 to be investigated.<ref>{{cite news|title=Ex-PLA top general Xu Caihou held in cash for rank probe|url=http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1452749/retired-top-pla-general-xu-caihou-held-cash-rank-probe?page=all|work=South China Morning Post|access-date=2015-03-12|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140709173740/http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1452749/retired-top-pla-general-xu-caihou-held-cash-rank-probe?page=all|archive-date=2014-07-09|url-status=live}}</ref>

[[File:Xu Caihou 2009.jpg|200px|thumb|left|General [[Xu Caihou]] became the highest-ranking military officer in PLA history to be investigated for corruption.]]
A month after Xu's fall, on July 30, 2014, state media finally broke months of silence on Zhou Yongkang with a press release naming him the subject of an investigation into "severe disciplinary violations". The terse news bulletin, carried throughout Chinese media, signalled that Zhou was "no longer a comrade" but did not discuss criminal wrongdoing. Zhou was likely placed under some form of house arrest long prior to the announcement. The official confirmation that Zhou was under investigation made him the first Politburo Standing Committee member to fall from grace since the end of the [[Cultural Revolution]], and broke the unspoken rule of "PSC criminal immunity" that has been the norm for over three decades. Moreover, it was unusual that the case against Zhou was pursued despite his having retired from office in 2012. Prior to Xi's ascension to power, corruption cases were typically targeted towards incumbent Politburo members, such as [[Chen Xitong]], [[Chen Liangyu]], and Bo Xilai.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:周永康被立案，"刑不上常委"潜规则已破？|url=http://news.ifeng.com/opinion/wangping/zhouyongkang0729/|work=Ifeng|date=July 29, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141128165457/http://news.ifeng.com/opinion/wangping/zhouyongkang0729/|archive-date=November 28, 2014|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}} Zhou would be formally expelled from the party in December 2014, after the Politburo reviewed findings of his case. The internal investigation concluded that Zhou abused his power, maintained extramarital affairs with multiple women, took massive bribes, exchanged money and favours for sex, and "leaked state and party secrets."<ref>{{cite news|title=Official Xinhua announcement on the outcome of internal investigation on Zhou Yongkang|url=http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-12/06/c_1113542222.htm|publisher=Xinhua|date=December 6, 2014|access-date=March 14, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150321025122/http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2014-12/06/c_1113542222.htm|archive-date=March 21, 2015|url-status=dead}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

The fourth quarter of 2014 saw another flurry of officials detained for investigation. Criminal proceedings had also begun. On July 31, Wang Suyi was sentenced to fifteen years in prison for bribery. On August 5, [[Tong Mingqian]] was convicted of dereliction of duty in a vote-buying scandal and sentenced to five years in prison. In September 2014, the trial of former economic official [[Liu Tienan]] became the first high-profile televised trial of the campaign. On camera, a teary-eyed Liu recanted his crimes and lamented having ruined the future of his son, who was said to be complicit in his corrupt activities.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:老子当官崽收钱，刘铁男被儿子坑哭了|url=http://news.163.com/14/0925/02/A6V38SNJ00014Q4P.html|work=Xiaoxiang Morning News|publisher=Netease|date=September 25, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402102106/http://news.163.com/14/0925/02/A6V38SNJ00014Q4P.html|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

On December 22, 2014, Ling Jihua, former senior aide to former Party general secretary Hu Jintao and a political star whose ambitions were quashed by the untimely death of his Ferrari-driving son, also fell under the anti-graft dragnet. Ling was serving as the head of the party's [[United Front Work Department]] at the time, and also was vice chairman of the [[Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference]] (CPPCC), a legislative advisory body.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2014-12-22 |title=全国政协副主席令计划涉嫌严重违纪接受组织调查--时政--人民网 |trans-title=The vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) plans to be investigated for suspected serious disciplinary violations |url=http://politics.people.com.cn/n/2014/1222/c70731-26255240.html |access-date=2023-06-24 |website=politics.people.com.cn}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}} Ling hailed from the prominent Linghu political family from [[Pinglu County]], Shanxi. Several of his relatives were reported as having been investigated beginning in the third quarter of 2014, in what seemed to be another 'encirclement campaign' similar to what was happening with Zhou Yongkang. It was later alleged that Ling served as somewhat of a ringleader for the so-called [[Xishan Society]], a [[secret society]]-like network of high officials from Shanxi province.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:罗昌平《打铁记》揭秘山西籍高官同乡会组织"西山会"|url=http://finance.ifeng.com/a/20141223/13376697_0.shtml|agency=RFI|date=October 15, 2013|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402093919/http://finance.ifeng.com/a/20141223/13376697_0.shtml|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

[[Su Rong]], the fourth 'big tiger' who was then also serving as CPPCC Vice-chairman, was already 'netted' earlier in the year, but was officially expelled from the party in February 2015.  Su was better known for his lengthy career as party chief in three Chinese provinces, but his term in Jiangxi (2007 – 2013), where corruption was said to have flourished under his watch, was cited as the major reason for his downfall.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:江西省委书记强卫：苏荣腐败损害江西的政治生态|url=http://www.chinanews.com/gn/2015/03-06/7105545.shtml|work=Jinghua Daily|publisher=Chinanews|date=March 6, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402201051/http://www.chinanews.com/gn/2015/03-06/7105545.shtml|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

==Regional profiles==
Several provinces have faced the brunt of the anti-corruption campaign: Guangdong, Shanxi, Sichuan, and Jiangsu. In addition to tackling corruption, the campaign has also had the effect of reducing regional factionalism and dissecting entrenched patron-client networks that have flourished since the beginning of economic reforms in the 1980s. Xi Jinping had declared in his speeches that internal factionalism is as harmful to the party's ability to govern as corruption.<ref name="Chu-2015"/> As of November 2015, all 31 provincial-level divisions, including municipalities like Beijing and Shanghai, which were once considered to be relatively free of corruption, have seen at least one provincial-level official investigated for corruption.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:北京"首虎"吕锡文被查 全国各省均有"老虎"落马|url=http://news.163.com/15/1111/11/B84U6U8I00014JB6.html|work=Netease News|access-date=2015-11-11|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151111072604/http://news.163.com/15/1111/11/B84U6U8I00014JB6.html|archive-date=2015-11-11|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

===Shanxi===
Of the most heavily targeted provinces, Shanxi has been the most notable 'disaster zone', with a total of nine officials of provincial rank investigated or dismissed for corruption, five of which were sitting members of the [[provincial party standing committee]], the province's highest ''de facto'' governing body.  At the time of the 18th Party Congress in November 2012, there were 13 seats on the provincial standing committee. By March 2015, less than a year after the "political earthquake", only three members of the original group remained, and only two members were born and raised in Shanxi province. The remainder have been removed from office, transferred out of the province, or otherwise replaced, indicating that the central authorities from Beijing had essentially 'taken over' political control of the province from Shanxi locals. Moreover, many municipal and local district leaders were also sacked and investigated for corruption in quick succession, such as in the cities of [[Datong]], [[Lüliang]], [[Yuncheng]], [[Yangquan]], and the provincial capital Taiyuan. According to official data, in 2013 alone, 26 officials of prefecture-department rank ({{zh|labels=no|s=厅局级}}) and 336 officials of county-division rank ({{zh|labels=no|s=县处级}}) were disciplined in Shanxi province.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:山西遭塌方式腐败 王儒林坦言很痛心|url=http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-03-06/59639492.html|work=Duowei|date=March 6, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150308162751/http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-03-06/59639492.html|archive-date=March 8, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

In 2014, 17 county-level party chiefs were investigated in Shanxi. The sheer extent of the 'damage' the campaign inflicted on Shanxi's political scene was so great and the changes so abrupt that some important posts were left vacant for nearly a year. The inspection teams in the province uncovered widespread collusion between those who hold political power and the "coal bosses" that stack their wallets in exchange for favourable treatment in approving development projects. Even officials who were previously seen as incorruptible eventually caved in to the systemic culture of graft.<ref>{{cite web|language=zh|script-title=zh:山西阳泉书记洪发科被查 全省11市落马5书记2市长|url=http://news.ifeng.com/a/20150703/44098842_0.shtml|website=Ifeng|access-date=2015-07-03|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150704175633/http://news.ifeng.com/a/20150703/44098842_0.shtml|archive-date=2015-07-04|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

===Guangdong===
In Guangdong, the campaign severely upset the political ecosystem that had long been dominated by native Cantonese politicians. Wan Qingliang, the popular and relatively youthful party chief of [[Guangzhou]] known for his frugality and accessibility, was sacked in the third quarter of 2014, and was also replaced by an outsider, former Tianjin vice mayor [[Ren Xuefeng]]. The province's top political advisor, [[Zhu Mingguo]], also became one of the few incumbent officials of full provincial rank to be investigated for corruption. Lieutenant Governor [[Liu Zhigeng]], another native Cantonese official who was once the party chief of [[Dongguan]], and [[Zhuhai]] party chief [[Li Jia (born 1964)|Li Jia]], who had spent his entire political career in Guangdong, were also sacked. The breaking down of local patronage networks had already begun before the 18th Party Congress, and continued with greater intensity following the Congress under newly anointed party chief [[Hu Chunhua]]. The party leadership team in Shenzhen, China's most successful Special Economic Zone, also underwent significant changes, with party chief [[Wang Rong (politician)|Wang Rong]] moving to a provincial office; several of Wang's subordinates were investigated for corruption.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:蒋尊玉落马背后：其家族几乎插手深圳大运会所有工程|url=http://www.ceweekly.cn/2014/1201/97798.shtml|work=CE Weekly|date=December 1, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402095704/http://www.ceweekly.cn/2014/1201/97798.shtml|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

===Yangtze River Delta===
In Jiangsu, home province of former party leader [[Jiang Zemin]] and disgraced security chief Zhou Yongkang, several 'native sons' with seemingly promising political futures underwent investigation. Nanjing mayor [[Ji Jianye]] was the "first tiger" to fall in the province. His dismissal was trumpeted by the city's then party chief [[Yang Weize]] as having "removed a tumour" from the provincial capital.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Hearst|first1=David|title=China, corruption and the court intrigues of Nanjing|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/26/china-corruption-nanjing-ji-jianye-mayor|work=The Guardian|date=October 23, 2013|access-date=December 11, 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160528165418/http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/26/china-corruption-nanjing-ji-jianye-mayor|archive-date=May 28, 2016|url-status=live}}</ref> In January 2015, Yang himself was also detained for investigation. Former provincial party secretary-general [[Zhao Shaolin]] and Executive Vice Governor [[Li Yunfeng]] were also rounded up for investigation.{{Citation needed|date=October 2021}}

Zhejiang, 'home turf' of Party general secretary [[Xi Jinping]] and the site of much smaller-scale anti-corruption experimentation during Xi's term as party chief there, had been largely spared of high-profile political changes in the wake of the anti-corruption campaign. Whether this is because Xi instilled a puritan political culture in the province during his tenure there or because officials with patronage links to him were given favourable treatment was unclear. As of 2016, former provincial Party Standing Committee member [[Si Xinliang]] was the sole high official from the province to be investigated for disciplinary offenses.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:浙江"首虎"斯鑫良被查 疑与广厦老板有关|url=http://money.163.com/15/0217/08/AIL2E78700253F8F.html|work=Huashangbao, Xi'an|publisher=Netease|date=February 17, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402090241/http://money.163.com/15/0217/08/AIL2E78700253F8F.html|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=dead}}</ref>{{Better source needed|date=October 2021}}

===Prevalence of party chiefs from provincial capitals===
Notably, many of those investigated had served in the past as Party Chiefs of provincial capitals, making the position especially 'susceptible' for investigation. For example, [[Taiyuan]] ([[Chen Chuanping]], [[Shen Weichen]]), [[Nanning]] ([[Yu Yuanhui]]), [[Jinan]] ([[Wang Min (born 1956)|Wang Min]]), [[Guangzhou]] ([[Wan Qingliang]]), [[Nanjing]] ([[Yang Weize]]), [[Xining]] ([[Mao Xiaobing]]), [[Urumqi]] ([[Li Zhi (politician)|Li Zhi]]), [[Lanzhou]] ([[Lu Wucheng]]), [[Kunming]] ([[Qiu He]], [[Zhang Tianxin]], [[Gao Jinsong]]), and [[Chengdu]] ([[Li Chuncheng]]).{{Citation needed|date=October 2021}}

=== Macau ===
As part of the anti-corruption campaign, in December 2014, central government officials met with local officials in [[Macau]] and reached an agreement allowing the central economic crimes bureau to have real-time access to all transactions in Macau involving [[UnionPay]] cards.<ref name="Simpson-2023">{{Cite book |last=Simpson |first=Tim |title=Betting on Macau: Casino Capitalism and China's Consumer Revolution |date=2023 |publisher=[[University of Minnesota Press]] |isbn=978-1-5179-0031-1 |series=Globalization and Community series |location=Minneapolis}}</ref>{{Rp|page=207}} UnionPay transactions had previously been a primary tool for gray-market money transfers from Macau to the rest of China.<ref name="Simpson-2023" />{{Rp|page=208}}

==Critical analysis==
Reaction to the campaign has been mixed. It is believed to enjoy popular support among most ordinary Chinese, but has raised some concerns in the country's legal community.<ref name="Fenby-2015"/> Much of the press coverage surrounding the campaign has included speculation over its aims and the political and economic effects of the campaign.<ref name="Chinapower-2016"/> 

According to [[historian]] and [[sinologist]] [[Wang Gungwu]], Xi Jinping inherited a political party that was faced with pervasive corruption and in danger of collapse.<ref name="Wang-2021">{{Cite web |title=China re-connects: joining a deep-rooted past to a new world order |url=https://www.jesus.cam.ac.uk/articles/china-re-connects-joining-deep-rooted-past-new-world-order |access-date=2023-02-11 |website=www.jesus.cam.ac.uk |language=en}}</ref><ref name="Wang-2019">{{Cite web |date=2019-09-07 |title=Ancient past, modern ambitions: Wang Gungwu on China's delicate balance |url=https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3026041/ancient-past-modern-ambitions-historian-wang-gungwus-new-book |access-date=2023-02-11 |website=[[South China Morning Post]] |language=en}}</ref> Xi and the new generational leaders aimed to eliminate corruption at the higher levels of the CCP because of their belief that only the party was capable of governing China, and that a collapse of the party would be disastrous for the Chinese people.<ref name="Wang-2021" /> Wang further adds, "Xi Jinping obviously believes that his anti-corruption campaign was vital to enable him to save the Party."<ref name="Wang-2019" />

===Political motives===

===="Purge" and "factional warfare" hypotheses====
British news magazine ''[[The Economist]]'' wrote in its "Banyan" column, "it is hard not to see corruption allegations as the latter-day weapon of choice in the winner-takes-all power struggles that the party has always suffered".<ref>{{cite news|title=Banyan: Tiger in the net|url=https://www.economist.com/news/china/21636086-zhou-yongkang-may-well-have-been-corrupt-his-real-problem-was-losing-power-struggle-tiger|newspaper=The Economist|date=December 13, 2014|access-date=August 24, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170905093246/https://www.economist.com/news/china/21636086-zhou-yongkang-may-well-have-been-corrupt-his-real-problem-was-losing-power-struggle-tiger|archive-date=September 5, 2017|url-status=live}}</ref> Meanwhile, He Pin, editor at overseas Chinese news portal ''[[Boxun]]'', likened Zhou Yongkang, Bo Xilai, Ling Jihua, and Xu Caihou, to a latter-day "[[Gang of Four]]", whose real crime was not corruption but conspiring to usurp power.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Fang|first1=Bing|language=zh|script-title=zh:周永康案是中共建政以来最大政变案？|url=http://www.voachinese.com/content/zhouyongkang-case-20141205/2547874.html|publisher=Voice of America|date=May 12, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141228115108/http://www.voachinese.com/content/zhouyongkang-case-20141205/2547874.html|archive-date=December 28, 2014|url-status=live}}</ref> Chinese writer [[Murong Xuecun]], a continual critic of the CCP, wrote in an opinion article "In my view, Xi's anti-corruption campaign looks more like a Stalinist political purge... he relies on the regulations of the party and not on the laws of the state, the people carrying it out operate like the [[KGB]], and most cases cannot be reported on with any transparency."<ref>{{cite news|last1=Murong|first1=Xuecun|language=zh|script-title=zh:习近平的选择性反腐|url=http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20150119/c19murong/|work=The New York Times Chinese Edition|date=January 19, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150221201625/http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20150119/c19murong/|archive-date=February 21, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

Factional struggle has been proposed as another explanation. ''The Economist'' cited a study by an Australian scholar which concluded that no [[Princelings]], or descendants of the early Communist revolutionaries otherwise known as the "red second generation", have been targets of the anti-corruption campaign. Xi himself is considered a princeling; some also consider CCDI chief Wang Qishan a princeling through his father-in-law. However, the cohesiveness of the princelings as a political faction with similar policy preferences has not been well established. Indeed, just prior to Xi's ascension to power, Bo Xilai, arguably China's most high-profile princeling, was ousted from office as party chief of Chongqing and member of the Politburo. At the same time, between 2013 and 2015, almost all the high-level officials investigated or removed from office were from 'commoner' backgrounds, most of them farmers.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Barme|first1=Gerard|title=Tyger! Tyger! A Fearful Symmetry|url=http://www.thechinastory.org/2014/10/tyger-tyger-a-fearful-symmetry/|work=The China Story|date=October 16, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150227190956/http://www.thechinastory.org/2014/10/tyger-tyger-a-fearful-symmetry/|archive-date=February 27, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>
<ref>{{cite news|title=WORLD Fall of Sun Zhengcai – is this a purge?|url=http://theindependent.in/fall-of-sun-zhengcai-is-this-a-purge/|work=The China Story|date=October 3, 2017|access-date=October 24, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171024152543/http://theindependent.in/fall-of-sun-zhengcai-is-this-a-purge/|archive-date=October 24, 2017|url-status=live}}</ref>

===="Reducing elder influence" and "institution-building" theories====
Other observers acknowledge the campaign may be intended to achieve political ends but depict its ultimate aims as something far less sinister. Li Weidong, former editor of the ''Reform'' magazine in China, told [[Voice of America]] that by signalling that no one is off limits and by targeting retired officials, the campaign aimed to reduce the undue influence of party "elders" who were no longer in office but nevertheless wanted to interfere in political affairs. Writing for [[Radio Free Asia]], Liu Qing, among others, suggest that the campaign's main aim was to extinguish vestiges of influence of former Party general secretary Jiang Zemin.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Liu|first1=Qing|language=zh|script-title=zh:习近平政治反腐的决战及走向（刘青）|url=http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/liuqing/lq-01262015121234.html|agency=Radio Free Asia|date=January 26, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402125227/http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/liuqing/lq-01262015121234.html|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

Jiang's time in power saw a marked increase in patronage appointments that spanned the military, the provinces, and the party apparatus. Patron-client relationships, rather than merit, became the primary factor in securing promotions, giving rise to the formation of internal factions based on personal loyalty. Prominent examples of factions identified by observers include Jiang's [[Shanghai clique]], Zhou Yongkang's spheres of influence in the state oil and public security sectors, and the so-called [[Xishan Society]] of [[Shanxi]] officials – apart from these well-known cases, political factionalism seemed to be the order of the day down to the lowest levels of party bureaucracy.<ref name="Chu-2015">{{cite news|last1=Chu|first1=Bailiang|language=zh|script-title=zh:习近平反腐，更反"山头主义"|url=http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20150106/c06factions/|work=The New York Times (Chinese)|date=January 6, 2015|access-date=March 14, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150214060329/http://cn.nytimes.com/china/20150106/c06factions/|archive-date=February 14, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> This meant that factional patrons often exerted massive influence through informal channels rather than through the offices they hold. Indeed, the refusal of Jiang Zemin to relinquish his influence years after he had formally left office was said to have caused much unease with the party rank-and-file.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Su|first1=La|language=zh|script-title=zh:王岐山亲信调查上海 江泽民家族再受牵扯|url=http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-03-11/59640565.html|work=Duowei News|date=March 11, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150313061738/http://china.dwnews.com/news/2015-03-11/59640565.html|archive-date=March 13, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> It also had unduly constrained the ability of his successor Hu Jintao to enact systemic reforms or to carry out a cohesive agenda. By reversing this part of Jiang's legacy, some observers believe, Xi would be better equipped to discipline and unite the party under a common agenda. Proponents of this view believe that the ultimate aim of the campaign is to strengthen the role of institutions and stamp out factionalism and networks of personal loyalty, thereby creating a more united and meritocratic organization and achieving greater efficiency for governance.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Fang|first1=Bing|language=zh|script-title=zh:专家：习近平反腐目标—打垮太上皇架构|url=http://www.voachinese.com/content/xijinping-liweidong-20140804/1971429.html|publisher=Voice of America|date=August 5, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150303204433/http://www.voachinese.com/content/xijinping-liweidong-20140804/1971429.html|archive-date=March 3, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

===="Positive change" hypothesis====
Several Chinese-language media sources rejected the notion that the corruption campaign should be likened to a political purge, calling this view naive and overly cynical. ''Duowei'' wrote that the campaign is part of a wider agenda of systemic reform aimed at restoring legitimacy of the CCP's mandate to rule, which – in the decades immediately prior – was heavily challenged by widespread corruption, a widening gap between rich and poor, social injustice, and excessive focus on material wealth. In this view, the campaign is consistent to the other initiatives focused on social justice undertaken by Xi, including pushing ahead legal reform, abolishing [[re-education through labour]], and castigating local officials from meddling in judicial proceedings.  Moreover, many officials implicated in the campaign were long retired or no longer serving in influential roles, and therefore posed no direct political threats to the incumbent administration.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Mao|first1=Yuelin|language=zh|script-title=zh:回音壁：西媒为何跟不上习近平的步伐？|url=http://global.dwnews.com/news/2014-12-10/59623355.html|work=Duowei Times|date=December 10, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141227193740/http://global.dwnews.com/news/2014-12-10/59623355.html|archive-date=December 27, 2014|url-status=live}}</ref>  Chinese sociologist Hu Xingdou told ''[[Deutsche Welle]]'' that the campaign was only the first stage of a long-term strategy aimed at genuinely tackling corruption and speculated that the second stage will include the establishment of independent anti-corruption organs.<ref name="DW-2015">{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:专访：习"打虎"难以撼动真正"大老虎"？|url=http://www.dw.de/%E4%B8%93%E8%AE%BF%E4%B9%A0%E6%89%93%E8%99%8E%E9%9A%BE%E4%BB%A5%E6%92%BC%E5%8A%A8%E7%9C%9F%E6%AD%A3%E5%A4%A7%E8%80%81%E8%99%8E/a-18208717|work=Deutsche Welle|date=January 22, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150316215404/http://www.dw.de/%E4%B8%93%E8%AE%BF%E4%B9%A0%E6%89%93%E8%99%8E%E9%9A%BE%E4%BB%A5%E6%92%BC%E5%8A%A8%E7%9C%9F%E6%AD%A3%E5%A4%A7%E8%80%81%E8%99%8E/a-18208717|archive-date=March 16, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

[[Brookings Institution]] China scholar Cheng Li asserted that attributing ulterior motives to the campaign was not only wholly misleading but also unproductive.<ref name="Li-2014" /> Li believes that not only has Xi's campaign had the effect of truly curbing corrupt practices at all levels of government, it has also restored public confidence in the CCP's mandate to rule, and has also returned massive ill-gotten gains back into state coffers which could be re-directed towards economic development. Li also refuted the "political purge" and "factional warfare" hypotheses, contending that Xi's main patrons were Jiang and Jiang's ally<ref>{{Cite web |last=Hang |first=Anwei |date=2012-11-17 |title=习近平的升迁之路 |trans-title=Xi Jinping's road to promotion |url=https://cn.nytimes.com/china/20121116/c16bio/ |access-date=2023-06-24 |website=纽约时报中文网 |language=zh-cmn-hans}}</ref> Zeng Qinghong, yet major targets of the campaign such as Xu Caihou, Zhou Yongkang and Liu Zhijun were in Jiang's camp, while others affiliated to the purged officials remain in office. His anti-corruption drive has widespread consensus in the party.<ref name="Li-2014">{{cite news|last1=Li|first1=Cheng|title=Debunking Misconceptions about Xi Jinping's Anti-corruption Campaign|url=http://www.chinausfocus.com/political-social-development/debunking-misconceptions-about-xi-jinpings-anti-corruption-campaign/|publisher=China - US Focus|date=July 17, 2014|access-date=March 14, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150224230456/http://www.chinausfocus.com/political-social-development/debunking-misconceptions-about-xi-jinpings-anti-corruption-campaign/|archive-date=February 24, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

The BBC's Jonathan Fenby, among others, believe that the campaign may also be motivated by economic rather than political goals. For example, by tackling graft in state-owned enterprises, seen as bastions of entitlement, entrenched vested interests, and glaring inefficiencies, the government is better able to pursue economic reform programs aimed at liberalizing markets, breaking up monopolies, and reducing state control.<ref name="Fenby-2015">{{cite news|last1=Fenby|first1=Jonathan|title=China's corruption probe bares its teeth|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-31503967|agency=BBC|date=February 19, 2015|access-date=June 21, 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180626172920/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-31503967|archive-date=June 26, 2018|url-status=live}}</ref> Hu Xingdou also suggested the campaign has helped Xi conduct some much-needed "clean-up" of entrenched vested interests before pushing ahead with much larger structural reforms.<ref name="DW-2015"/>

Academic [[Keyu Jin]] writes that though there may be political motivations behind the campaign, its scope, depth, and sustained effort "proves the seriousness of the intention to sever corrosive links fostered in an era of rapid but disorderly growth."<ref name="Jin-2023" />{{Rp|page=29}}

=== Counterintelligence rationale ===
A December 2020 article in ''[[Foreign Policy]]'' suggested that decades of corruption inside of the CCP had created vulnerabilities exploited by outside intelligence agencies, particularly the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]. Purges under the guise of anti-corruption were at least partially motivated by [[counterintelligence]] concerns.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Dorfman|first=Zach|date=December 21, 2020|title=China Used Stolen Data to Expose CIA Operatives in Africa and Europe|work=[[Foreign Policy]]|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/12/21/china-stolen-us-data-exposed-cia-operatives-spy-networks/|access-date=December 22, 2020}}</ref> Further reporting by [[Axios (website)|''Axios'']] also revealed that years of corruption from the [[Hu–Wen Administration|Hu-Wen]] era had left the CCP vulnerable to infiltration after Chinese officials discovered that the U.S. intelligence agencies were allegedly paying "promotion fees" for certain government officials; simultaneous to the anti-corruption drive beginning 2013, dozens of U.S. intelligence assets within China were reportedly executed and arrested.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Allen-Ebrahimian |first=Bethany |date=2020-12-22 |title=Xi Jinping's anti-corruption drive had a counterintelligence motive |url=https://www.axios.com/2020/12/22/xi-jinping-corruption-drive-intelligence-china |access-date=2022-08-25 |website=Axios |language=en}}</ref>

=== Military readiness rationale ===
Outside observers have noted that crackdowns on graft inside of the PLA are motivated at least in part by a desire to increase military readiness after viewing the effects of corruption on the Russian armed forces during the [[Russian invasion of Ukraine|invasion of Ukraine]].<ref>{{Cite news |date=11 January 2024 |title=Xi Jinping is struggling to stamp out graft in the PLA |url=https://www.economist.com/china/2024/01/11/xi-jinping-is-struggling-to-stamp-out-graft-in-the-pla |url-access=subscription |access-date=2024-01-12 |newspaper=[[The Economist]] |issn=0013-0613}}</ref> 

===Due process===
Investigations by the party's disciplinary bodies are not part of the state judicial system. When an official is detained for an investigation, known as ''[[Shuanggui]]'', they are essentially placed under house arrest and are isolated from the outside world. The subject often must endure days of grueling interrogation.<ref name="Jacobs-2014">{{cite news|last1=Jacobs|first1=Andrew|last2=Buckley|first2=Chris|title=Presumed Guilty in China's War on Corruption, Targets Suffer Abuses|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/20/world/asia/the-new-victims-of-chinas-war-on-corruption.html?_r=0|work=The New York Times|date=October 19, 2014|access-date=February 26, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161208151451/https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/20/world/asia/the-new-victims-of-chinas-war-on-corruption.html?_r=0|archive-date=December 8, 2016|url-status=live}}</ref> Data from the first half of 2014 showed that the conviction rate of those who were investigated in that time period to be around 99%.<ref name="Jacobs-2014"/> The CCDI and its local counterparts usually gather evidence covertly well in advance of detaining the subject. Generally, when an official is announced to be under investigation, the CCDI has already collected an overwhelming amount of hard evidence. China scholar Willy Lam also wrote that the CCDI has seen a massive expansion of its powers since Xi's ascension, and that it was increasingly involved in the governance of the state. Lam also contended that the CCDI seemed to be deriving most of its power from Xi Jinping personally.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Lam|first1=Willy|title=Growing CCDI Power Brings Questions of Politically-Motivated Purge|url=http://www.jamestown.org/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=43499&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=7&cHash=01ebb9ca56858f4f3c923ea745214bb5#.VPh41vnF9uM|agency=The Jamestown Foundation|date=February 4, 2015|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402120547/http://www.jamestown.org/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=43499&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=7&cHash=01ebb9ca56858f4f3c923ea745214bb5#.VPh41vnF9uM|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

Conversely, state media and some observers have pointed out that the CCDI has undergone significant structural reform in recent years aimed at making anti-corruption efforts more depoliticized, rules-based, and process-oriented. For much of its history the CCDI has been seen as a body that is largely inept at fighting corruption, but during the term of Hu Jintao the organization began a series of reforms strengthening its independence. Upon Xi's assuming the party leadership, further reforms were enacted to make the CCDI a ''bona fide'' control and auditing organization governed by a sophisticated set of rules and regulations to ensure professionalism and procedural fairness.  Under Xi, the CCDI became much less likely to face interference from local barons and vested interests in performing its duties.<ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1661370/chinas-anti-corruption-watchdogs-inspectors-sent-central-committee | author = Pinghui, Zhuang | publisher = [[SCMP Group]] | work = [[South China Morning Post]] | access-date = 21 December 2014 | date = 12 December 2014 | title = Anti-corruption watchdog to penetrate Communist Party core | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20141213053838/http://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1661370/chinas-anti-corruption-watchdogs-inspectors-sent-central-committee | archive-date = 13 December 2014 | url-status = live }}</ref> It has also strengthened internal regulations on the manner in which investigations are to be conducted, to ensure that CCDI officials themselves do not abuse their power and break the very same rules they are tasked with enforcing.<ref>{{cite news|language=zh|script-title=zh:中央纪委决定成立纪检监察干部监督室|url=http://news.xinhuanet.com/renshi/2014-03/12/c_126254892.htm|publisher=Xinhua|date=March 12, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140422075634/http://news.xinhuanet.com/renshi/2014-03/12/c_126254892.htm|archive-date=April 22, 2014|url-status=dead}}</ref>

===Public perception===
The anti-corruption campaign has been well-received by the Chinese public, which generally views corruption as a major problem.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Šebok |first=Filip |title=Contemporary China: a New Superpower? |publisher=[[Routledge]] |year=2023 |isbn=978-1-03-239508-1 |editor-last=Kironska |editor-first=Kristina |chapter=China's Political System |editor-last2=Turscanyi |editor-first2=Richard Q.}}</ref>{{Rp|page=87}}

There was some initial cynicism among the Chinese public about the intent of the campaign and its effectiveness. Earlier on, domestic and international observers commented on the possibility that the campaign is an emblematic feature of Chinese political culture which has, since its imperial days, invariably attempted tackling corruption in a high-profile manner when a new leader comes to power. The 2014 ranking of countries by [[Transparency International]]'s [[Corruption Perceptions Index]] ranked China lower than a year before, falling to 100th from 80th place.<ref>{{cite news|title=China slips down corruption perception index, despite high-profile crackdown|url=http://edition.cnn.com/2014/12/03/world/asia/china-transparency-international-corruption-2014/|publisher=CNN|date=December 3, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402201525/http://edition.cnn.com/2014/12/03/world/asia/china-transparency-international-corruption-2014/|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> However, the extent and reach of the campaign has surprised even the most seasoned Chinese political observers.<ref name="Chinapower-2016" /><ref name="Branigan-2015">{{cite news|last1=Branigan|first1=Tania|title=Politburo, army, casinos: China's corruption crackdown spreads|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/14/china-corruption-crackdown-spreads-xi-jinping|work=The Guardian|date=February 14, 2015|access-date=December 11, 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161210185339/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/feb/14/china-corruption-crackdown-spreads-xi-jinping|archive-date=December 10, 2016|url-status=live}}</ref>

There is a general consensus in the Chinese legal community that the endemic corruption is caused by the lack of an independent judiciary and a failure to enforce laws and regulations.{{Citation needed|date=October 2021|reason=makes specific claim about "chinese legal community", goes on to cite NYT piece. provide pertinent citation for specific claim}} They contend that these problems will not be permanently fixed until much deeper systemic problems are addressed.<ref name="Jacobs-2014"/> ''[[Guanxi]]'' and other social customs, may have also contributed to the prevalence of practices seen as corrupt from a strictly legal perspective but seem relatively benign from a cultural standpoint.<ref name="Branigan-2015"/> Gift-giving during holidays, securing patrons for career advancement, hosting banquets at expensive restaurants to secure minor deals, exchanging favours, and navigating the complex web of ''guanxi'' to get things done was seen as an ordinary part of Chinese life.<ref name="Branigan-2015"/> Indeed, many people did not see these activities as illegal or even morally problematic.  Moreover, many regulations and law governing cadre work and public service were rarely enforced, resulting in two prevailing winds among Chinese officialdom that "if everyone else is doing it then it must be okay," and that "I probably won't ever be caught anyway".<ref>{{cite news|last1=Chen|first1=Stephen|title=Ni Fake's downfall plays out in a moral maze in Chinese media|url=http://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/1403215/ni-fakes-downfall-plays-out-moral-maze-chinese-media|work=South China Morning Post|date=January 12, 2014|access-date=March 12, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150402105026/http://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/1403215/ni-fakes-downfall-plays-out-moral-maze-chinese-media|archive-date=April 2, 2015|url-status=live}}</ref>

Following the announcement of the campaign, former premier [[Zhu Rongji]] made a rare public statement voicing support for the campaign.<ref>Chen Chu-chun. [http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?id=20130623000021&cid=1101 "Zhu Rongji Backs New Leadership's Anti-Graft Efforts: Daughter"]{{dead link|date=October 2016 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}. ''Want China Times''. May 23, 2013. Retrieved August 5, 2015.</ref>

=== Analysis of effects ===
A 2022 study by researchers at the [[University of Navarra]] and the [[University of Manchester]] suggested that economic corruption (indexed by the greater success of private firms with political connections) increased during the Xi Jinping administration.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Hancock|first=Tom|date=February 18, 2022|title=Chinese Businesses Benefit From Ties to Elites, Study Shows|work=[[Bloomberg News]]|url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-02-18/chinese-businesses-benefit-from-ties-to-elites-study-shows|access-date=February 19, 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Alonso |first1=Marta |last2=Palma |first2=Nuno |last3=Simon-Yarza |first3=Beatriz |date=2022-02-17 |title=The value of political connections: evidence from China's anti-corruption campaign |journal=Journal of Institutional Economics |language=en |volume=18 |issue=5 |pages=785–805 |doi=10.1017/S1744137422000017 |issn=1744-1374 |s2cid= |hdl-access=free |hdl=10451/50917}}</ref>

=== Effects on Political Officials ===
In China, factionalism is considered a serious form of corruption in government. In response to these broad purges, there has been a trend towards "[https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/british-journal-of-political-science/article/decline-of-factions-the-impact-of-a-broad-purge-on-political-decision-making-in-china/F7DE172435D36DABBA3B51A26BC692EA anti-client bias]" in appointments within the CCP. This "bias" is the tendency to promote individuals that centrally managed (CM) officials had not previously demonstrated allegiance to in order to avoid rumors of factionalism. This is a signaling mechanism by centrally managed (CM) officials throughout the provinces of China to say that they are not corrupt, which may help them avoid being purged by the anti-corruption campaign. 

== List of implicated officials ==
{{Main list|Officials implicated by the anti-corruption campaign in China (2012–2017)|Officials implicated by the anti-corruption campaign in China (2017–2022)}}

== See also ==

* [[Operation Fox Hunt]]
* [[Chinese police overseas service stations]]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}{{-}}
{{Xi Jinping}}
{{CPCCorruption2013}}
{{CPCCorruption2017}}
{{CCPCorruption2022}}
{{China national security}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping}}
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