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{{Short description|Far-right, authoritarian ultranationalistic political ideology}}
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[[File:Mussolini and Hitler 1940 (retouched).jpg|thumb|230px|[[Benito Mussolini]] (left) and [[Adolf Hitler]] (right), the leaders of [[Fascist Italy (1922–1943)|Fascist Italy]] and [[Nazi Germany]], respectively]]

{{Fascism sidebar}}

'''Fascism''' ({{IPAc-en|ˈ|f|æ|ʃ|ɪ|z|əm}} {{respell|FASH|iz|əm}}) is a [[far-right]], [[authoritarian]], [[ultranationalist]] political ideology and movement,<ref>{{harvp|Turner|1975|p=162|ps=: "... goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism"}}; {{harvp|Larsen|Hagtvet|Myklebust|1984|p=424|ps=: "... organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism"}}; {{harvp|Paxton|2004|pp=32, 45, 173|ps=: (32) "...antiliberal values, more aggressive nationalism and racism, and a new aesthetic of instinct and violence", (173) "...overtly violent racism and nationalism. [...] its defining elements—unlimited particular sovereignty, a relish for war, and a society based on violent exclusion"}}; {{harvp|Nolte|1965|p=300|ps=: "National fascism, as we have shown, is distinguished from nationalism by, among other things, the fact it demands the destruction of a neighbouring state whose very existence appears to threaten its own position of power and the historic remains of its past dominant status in the area."}}</ref><ref name="Britannica">{{harvp|Encyclopedia Britannica ''Fascism''|ps=: "extreme militaristic nationalism, contempt for electoral democracy and political and cultural liberalism, a belief in natural social hierarchy and the rule of elites, and the desire to create a {{lang|de|Volksgemeinschaft}} (German: "people's community"), in which individual interests would be subordinated to the good of the nation"}}</ref><ref name="m-w"/> characterized by a [[dictator]]ial leader, centralized [[autocracy]], [[militarism]], forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural [[Social stratification|social hierarchy]], subordination of [[Individualism|individual interests]] for the perceived good of the nation or race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.<ref name="Britannica"/><ref name="m-w">{{cite dictionary|title=fascism |url=https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/fascism |dictionary=[[Merriam-Webster Online]] |access-date=22 August 2017 |archive-date=22 August 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170822084905/https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/fascism |url-status=live}}</ref>

Fascism rose to prominence in early 20th-century Europe.<ref name="RoutledgeCompanion">{{harvp|Davies|Lynch|2002|pp=[https://archive.org/details/routledgecompani00davi/page/1 1–5]}}</ref>{{sfnp|International Encyclopedia of Political Science|loc=Fascism|p=887–888}} The first fascist movements [[Italian fascism|emerged in Italy]] during [[World War I]] before [[Fascism in Europe|spreading to other European countries]], most notably [[Nazi Germany|Germany]].<ref name="RoutledgeCompanion"/> Fascism also had adherents outside of Europe.{{sfnp|Encyclopedia Britannica ''Fascism''}} Opposed to [[anarchism]], [[democracy]], [[Pluralism (political philosophy)|pluralism]], [[liberalism]], [[socialism]], and [[Marxism]],{{sfnp|International Encyclopedia of Political Science|loc=Fascism|p=889}}<ref name="USHMM">{{cite web |title=Fascism |url=https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/fascism-1 |access-date=7 August 2022 |website=[[Holocaust Encyclopedia]] |language=en}}</ref> fascism is placed on the far-right wing within the traditional [[left–right spectrum]].<ref name="RoutledgeCompanion"/><ref name="USHMM"/><ref name="University-Aristotle-Hartley-Wilhelm-Hawkesworth">{{harvp|Griffin|1995|pp=8, 307}}; {{harvp|Kallis|2003b|p=71}}; {{harvp|Hartley|2004|p=187}}; {{harvp|Reich|1970}}; {{harvp|Hawkesworth|Kogan|1992}}; {{harvp|Copsey|2008}}; {{harvp|Goodwin|2011}}; {{harvp|Woodley|2010}}; {{harvp|Blamires|2006}}; {{harvp|Richardson|2017}}; {{harvp|Eley|2013}}; {{harvp|Wistrich|1976}}; {{harvp|Staudenmaier|2004}}</ref>

Fascists saw [[World War I]] as a [[revolution]] that brought massive changes to the nature of war, society, the state, and technology. The advent of [[total war]] and the mass mobilization of society erased the distinction between civilians and combatants. A military citizenship arose in which all citizens were involved with the military in some manner.{{sfnmp|Blamires|2006|1pp=140–141, 670|Mann|2004|2p=65}} The war resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines and providing logistics to support them, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.{{sfnmp|Blamires|2006|1pp=140–141, 670|Mann|2004|2p=65}}

Fascism rejects assertions that violence is inherently negative or pointless, instead viewing [[imperialism]], political violence, and war as means to national rejuvenation.{{sfnmp|Grčić|2000|1p=120 |2a1=Griffin|2a2=Feldman|2y=2004c|2p=185 |Spielvogel|2012|3p=935 |Payne|1995|4p=106}}{{sfnp|Rietbergen|2000|pp=160–161}} Fascists often advocate for the establishment of a [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian]] [[one-party state]],{{sfnp|Griffin|2013|pp=1–6}}{{sfnp|Mussolini|2002|p=40}} and for a [[dirigisme|dirigiste]]<ref>{{cite book |last=Berend |first=Iván T. |author-link=Iván T. Berend |title=An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe: Economic Regimes from Laissez-Faire to Globalization |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |year=2016 |pages=93}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Lynch |first1=Derek |title=The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right |last2=Davies |first2=Peter J. |publisher=[[Routledge]] |year=2002 |location=United Kingdom |pages=275 |quote=Detailed and intrusive state direction of the economy and/or society. Dirigisme was central to both fascism and Communist systems. However, in the case of fascism, there was no requirement for outright state ownership of the means of production, as long as the economy could be harnessed to serve what fascists deemed to be the "national interest".}}</ref> economy, with the principal goal of achieving [[autarky]] (national economic self-sufficiency) through [[economic interventionist]] policies. Fascism's extreme authoritarianism and nationalism often manifest as a belief in [[racial purity]] or a [[master race]], usually blended with some variant of [[racism]] or [[discrimination]] against a demonized "[[Other (philosophy)|Other]]", such as [[Jews]], [[Homosexuality|homosexuals]], [[Minority group|ethnic minorities]] or [[Immigration|immigrants]]. These ideas have motivated fascist regimes to commit [[massacre]]s, [[forced sterilizations]], [[deportation]]s, and [[genocide]]s.{{sfnmp|1a1=Kallis|1y=2011|2a1=Paxton|2y=1998|3a1=Lancaster|3y=2011}} During [[World War II]], the actions of the fascist [[Axis powers]], with their genocidal and imperialist ambitions, caused the death of millions of people.

Since the end of World War II in 1945, fascism as an ideology has been largely disgraced and few parties have openly described themselves as fascist; the term is more often used [[Fascist (insult)|pejoratively]] by political opponents. The descriptions of [[neo-fascist]] or ''post-fascist'' are sometimes employed to describe contemporary parties with ideologies similar to, or rooted in, 20th-century fascist movements.<ref name="RoutledgeCompanion"/>{{sfnp|Enciclopedia Italiana ''Neofascismo''}} Some opposition groups have adopted the label anti-fascist or [[Post–World War II anti-fascism|antifa]] to signify their stance.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Bogel-Burroughs |first1=Nicholas |last2=Garcia |first2=Sandra E. |date=28 September 2020 |title=What Is Antifa, the Movement Trump Wants to Declare a Terror Group? |language=en-US |work=[[The New York Times]] |url=https://www.nytimes.com/article/what-antifa-trump.html |access-date=7 September 2022 |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>

== Etymology ==
The Italian term {{lang|it|fascismo}} is derived from {{lang|it|fascio}}, meaning 'bundle of sticks', ultimately from the [[Latin language|Latin]] word {{lang|la|[[fasces]]}}.<ref name="m-w"/> This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known as [[fasci]], groups similar to [[guild]]s or [[syndicate]]s. According to Italian fascist dictator [[Benito Mussolini]]'s own account, the [[Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria|Fasces of Revolutionary Action]] were founded in Italy in 1915.{{sfnp|Mussolini|2006|p=227}} In 1919, Mussolini founded the [[Fasci Italiani di Combattimento|Italian Fasces of Combat]] in Milan, which became the [[National Fascist Party]] two years later. The fascists came to associate the term with the ancient Roman fasces or {{lang|it|[[fascio littorio]]}},{{sfnp|Falasca-Zamponi|2000|p=95}} a bundle of rods tied around an axe,<ref>{{cite web |last=Johnston |first=Peter |date=12 April 2013 |title=The Rule of Law: Symbols of Power |url=http://www.okwu.edu/keating-center/2013/04/the-rule-of-law-symbols-of-power/ |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170330232643/http://www.okwu.edu/keating-center/2013/04/the-rule-of-law-symbols-of-power/ |archive-date=30 March 2017 |access-date=28 April 2013 |publisher=The Keating Center, [[Oklahoma Wesleyan University]] |language=en-US}}</ref> an [[ancient Roman]] symbol of the authority of the civic [[Roman Magistrates|magistrate]]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://intraweb.stockton.edu/eyos/page.cfm?siteID=78&pageID=35 |title=Policing Rome: Maintaining Order in Fact and Fiction |last=Watkins |first=Tom |work=Fictional Rome |publisher=[[Stockton University]] |location=Stockton, New Jersey |year=2013 |access-date=28 April 2013 |archive-date=16 March 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140316011914/http://intraweb.stockton.edu/eyos/page.cfm?siteID=78&pageID=35 |url-status=dead}}</ref> carried by his [[lictor]]s, which could be used for [[Corporal punishment|corporal]] and [[capital punishment]] at his command.{{sfnmp|1a1=Websters|2a1=Payne|2y=1995}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}

The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.{{sfnp|Doordan|1995}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements: for example, the [[Falangism|Falange]] symbol is five arrows joined by a yoke.{{sfnp|Parkins|2002}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}

== Definitions ==
{{main|Definitions of fascism}}
Historians, political scientists, and other scholars have long debated the exact nature of fascism.{{sfnp|Gregor|2009}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} Historian [[Ian Kershaw]] once wrote that "trying to define 'fascism' is like trying to nail jelly to the wall."{{sfnp|Kershaw|2016|p=228}} Each different group described as fascist has at least some unique elements, and many definitions of fascism have been criticized as either too broad or too narrow.{{sfnmp|Payne|1980|1p=7|2a1=Griffiths|2y=2000}} According to many scholars, fascism—especially once in power—has historically attacked communism, conservatism, and parliamentary liberalism, attracting support primarily from the far-right.<ref name="Laqueur 1997 p223">{{harvp|Laqueur|1997|p=223}}; {{harvp|Eatwell|1996|p=39}}; {{harvp|Griffin|1991|pp=185–201}}; {{harvp|Weber|1982|p=8}}; {{harvp|Payne|1995}}; {{harvp|Fritzsche|1990}}; {{harvp|Laclau|1977}}{{Page needed|date=August 2022}}; {{harvp|Reich|1970}}</ref>

Frequently cited as a standard definition by notable [[scholar]]s,<ref>{{cite web |title=Works citing Stanley Payne's Fascism: Comparison and Definition |url=https://scholar.google.co.uk/scholar?cites=5701423830518078146&as_sdt=2005&sciodt=0%2C5&hl=en |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220802121023/https://scholar.google.co.uk/scholar?cites=5701423830518078146&as_sdt=2005&sciodt=0%2C5&hl=en |archive-date=2 August 2022 |via=[[Google Scholar]]}}</ref> such as [[Roger Griffin]],<ref>{{cite book |last=Griffin |first=Roger |title=The Nature of Fascism |year=1993 |location=London |publication-date=2013 |language=en |doi=10.4324/9781315003627 |author-link=Roger Griffin |doi-access=free |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=9781315003627}}</ref> [[Randall Schweller]],<ref>{{cite book |last=Schweller |first=Randall L. |url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9781400837854/html?lang=en |title=Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the Balance of Power |publisher=[[Princeton University Press]] |year=2006 |isbn=978-1-4008-3785-4 |volume=125 |series=Princeton Studies in International History and Politics |language=en |doi=10.1515/9781400837854 |s2cid=266074243 |author-link=Randall Schweller |url-access=subscription}}</ref> [[Bo Rothstein]],<ref>{{cite book |last=Rothstein |first=B |title=A New Handbook of Political Science |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |year=1996 |isbn=9780191521089 |editor-last=Klingemann |editor-first=Hans-Dieter |pages=135, 164 |language=en |chapter=Political institutions: An Overview (Part II, Chapter 4) |author-link=Bo Rothstein |editor-last2=Goodin |editor-first2=Robert E. |editor-link2=Robert E. Goodin}}</ref> [[Federico Finchelstein]],<ref>{{cite book |last=Finchelstein |first=Federico |url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9780822391555/html |title=Transatlantic Fascism: Ideology, Violence, and the Sacred in Argentina and Italy, 1919-1945 |publisher=[[Duke University Press]] |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-8223-9155-5 |language=en |doi=10.1515/9780822391555 |author-link=Federico Finchelstein |url-access=subscription}}</ref> and [[Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, Movements|Stephen D. Shenfield]],<ref>{{cite book |last=Shenfield |first=Stephen |url=https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9781315500058/russian-fascism-stephen-shenfield |title=Russian Fascism: Traditions Tendencies Movements |publisher=[[Routledge]] |year=2001 |edition=2nd |location=New York |publication-date=2016 |language=en |doi=10.4324/9781315500058 |isbn=9781315500058 |url-access=subscription}}</ref> is that of historian [[Stanley G. Payne]].{{sfnp|Payne|1980|p=7}} His definition of fascism focuses on three concepts:
# "Fascist negations" – [[anti-liberalism]], [[anti-communism]], and anti-[[conservatism]].
# "Fascist goals" – the creation of a nationalist [[dictatorship]] to regulate economic structure and to transform social relations within a modern, self-determined culture, and the expansion of the nation into an empire.
# "Fascist style" – a political aesthetic of romantic symbolism, mass mobilization, a positive view of violence, and promotion of masculinity, youth, and charismatic authoritarian leadership.{{sfnmp|Ramswell|2017|1p=9|2a1=Griffin|2a2=Feldman|2y=2004a|2p=258|Kallis|2003b|3pp=84–5|Renton|1999|4p=21}}

[[Umberto Eco]] lists fourteen "features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it".<ref name="Eco1995"/>

In his book ''[[How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them]]'' (2018), [[Jason Stanley]] defined fascism as "a cult of the leader who promises national restoration in the face of humiliation brought on by supposed communists, Marxists and minorities and immigrants who are supposedly posing a threat to the character and the history of a nation" and that "The leader proposes that only he can solve it and all of his political opponents are enemies or traitors." Stanley says recent global events {{Asof|2020|lc=y}}, including the [[COVID-19 pandemic]] and the [[2020–2022 United States racial unrest]], have substantiated his concern about how fascist rhetoric is showing up in politics and policies around the world.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Silva |first1=Christianna |title=Fascism Scholar Says U.S. Is 'Losing Its Democratic Status' |url=https://www.npr.org/2020/09/06/910320018/fascism-scholar-says-u-s-is-losing-its-democratic-status |publisher=[[NPR]] |access-date=7 September 2020 |archive-date=7 September 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200907010731/https://www.npr.org/2020/09/06/910320018/fascism-scholar-says-u-s-is-losing-its-democratic-status |url-status=live}}</ref>

Historian [[John Lukacs]] argues that there is no such thing as generic fascism. He claims that [[Nazism]] and [[communism]] are essentially manifestations of [[populism]], and that states such as Nazi Germany and [[Fascist Italy (1922–1943)|Fascist Italy]] are more different from each other than they are similar.{{sfnp|Lukacs|1998|p=118}}

[[Roger Griffin]] describes fascism as "a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a [[palingenesis|palingenetic]] form of populist [[ultranationalism]]."{{sfnp|Griffin|1991|p=26}} Without paligenetic ultranationalism, there is no "genuine fascism" according to Griffin.{{sfnp|Griffin|1991}}{{pn|date=February 2024}}<ref name="Griffin 1994">{{Cite book |last=Griffin |first=Roger |title=Fascism and theater: comparative studies on the aesthetics and politics of performance in Europe, 1925–1945 |date=1996 |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=978-1571819017 |editor-last=Berghaus |editor-first=Günter |location=Providence, RI |chapter=Chapter I: Staging the Nation's Rebirth: The Politics and Aesthetics of Performance in the Context of Fascist Studies |author-link=Roger Griffin |access-date=7 October 2013 |chapter-url=https://www.libraryofsocialscience.com/ideologies/resources/griffin-staging-the-nations/ |via=Library of Social Science}}</ref> Griffin further describes fascism as having three core components: "(i) the rebirth myth, (ii) populist ultra-nationalism, and (iii) the myth of decadence."{{sfnp|Griffin|1991|p=201}} In Griffin's view, fascism is "a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism" built on a complex range of theoretical and cultural influences. He distinguishes an inter-war period in which it manifested itself in elite-led but populist "armed party" politics opposing socialism and liberalism, and promising radical politics to rescue the nation from decadence.{{sfnp|Griffin|2003}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}

Kershaw argues that the difference between fascism and other forms of right-wing authoritarianism in the [[Interwar period]] is that the latter generally aimed "to conserve the existing social order", whereas fascism was "revolutionary", seeking to change society and obtain "total commitment" from the population.{{sfnp|Kershaw|2016|p=228-9}}

In ''Against the Fascist Creep'', [[Alexander Reid Ross]] writes regarding Griffin's view: "Following the [[Cold War]] and shifts in fascist organizing techniques, a number of scholars have moved toward the minimalist 'new consensus' refined by Roger Griffin: 'the mythic core' of fascism is 'a populist form of [[palingenetic ultranationalism]].' That means that fascism is an ideology that draws on old, ancient, and even arcane myths of racial, cultural, ethnic, and national origins to develop a plan for the 'new man.{{'"}}{{sfnp|Ross|2017|p=5}} Griffin himself explored this 'mythic' or 'eliminable' core of fascism with his concept of ''post-fascism'' to explore the continuation of Nazism in the modern era.{{sfnp|Griffin|2008|loc=Chapter 8: Fascism's New Faces (and New Facelessness) in the 'Post-Fascist' Epoch}} Additionally, other historians have applied this minimalist core to explore ''proto-fascist'' movements.{{sfnp|Roel Reyes|2019}}<ref>{{cite journal|last=Roel Reyes |first=Stefan |date=24 November 2021 |title='Christian Patriots': The Intersection Between Proto-fascism and Clerical Fascism in the Antebellum South |url=https://brill.com/view/journals/hcm/aop/article-10.1163-22130624-00219121/article-10.1163-22130624-00219121.xml |journal=International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity |volume=-1 |issue=aop |pages=82–110 |doi=10.1163/22130624-00219121 |s2cid=244746966 |issn=2213-0624 |doi-access=free}}</ref>

[[Cas Mudde]] and [[Cristóbal Rovira|Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser]] argue that although fascism "flirted with populism ... in an attempt to generate mass support", it is better seen as an elitist ideology. They cite in particular its exaltation of the Leader, the race, and the state, rather than the people. They see populism as a "thin-centered ideology" with a "restricted morphology" that necessarily becomes attached to "thick-centered" ideologies such as fascism, liberalism, or socialism. Thus populism can be found as an aspect of many specific ideologies, without necessarily being a defining characteristic of those ideologies. They refer to the combination of populism, authoritarianism and ultranationalism as "a marriage of convenience".{{sfnp|Mudde|Kaltwasser|2017|pp=6, 33–4|ps=: "... thin-centered ideologies have a restricted morphology, which necessarily appears attached to—and sometimes is even assimilated into—other ideologies. In fact, populism almost always appears attached to other ideological elements, which are crucial for the promotion of political projects that are appealing to a broader public. Consequently, by itself populism can offer neither complex nor comprehensive answers to the political questions that modern societies generate. ... [Populism] is not so much a coherent ideological tradition as a set of ideas that, in the real world, appears in combination with quite different, and sometimes contradictory, ideologies." (p. 6)}}

[[Robert Paxton]] says: "[fascism is] a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion."{{sfnp|Paxton|2004|p=216}}

[[Roger Eatwell]] defines fascism as "an ideology that strives to forge social rebirth based on a [[Holism|holistic]]-national radical [[Third Position|Third Way]]",{{sfnp|Eatwell|1996|p=24}} while [[Walter Laqueur]] sees the core tenets of fascism as "self-evident: nationalism; [[social Darwinism]]; racialism, the need for leadership, a new aristocracy, and obedience; and the negation of the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution."{{sfnp|Laqueur|1997|p=96}}

Historian [[Emilio Gentile]] has defined fascism as "a modern political phenomenon, [[revolutionary]], [[anti-liberal]] and [[anti-Marxist]], organized in a militia party with a [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian]] conception of politics and the State, an activist and anti-theoretical ideology, with a mythical, virilistic and anti-hedonistic foundation, sacralized as a secular religion, which affirms the absolute primacy of the nation, understood as an ethnically homogeneous organic community, hierarchically organized in a [[corporate state]], with a bellicose vocation to the politics of greatness, power and conquest aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Gentile |first=Emilio |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5yWODAAAQBAJ |title=Fascismo: Storia e interpretazione |trans-title=Fascism: History and interpretation |publisher=Editori Laterza |year=2002 |isbn=978-88-581-0916-8 |language=it |via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref>

Historian and cultural critic [[Ruth Ben-Ghiat]] has described fascism as "the original phase of authoritarianism, along with early communism, when a population has undergone huge dislocations or they perceive that there's been changes in society that are very rapid, too rapid for their taste." and added that "These are moments when demagogues appeal. Mussolini was the first to come up after the war, and he promised this enticing mixture of hypernationalism and imperialism, like, 'We're gonna revive the [[Roman Empire]].'"<ref>{{Cite magazine |last= |first= |date=29 March 2023 |title=Who Are You Calling a Fascist? |magazine=[[The New Republic]] |url=https://newrepublic.com/article/171370/calling-fascist |access-date=13 July 2023 |issn=0028-6583 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230329102010/https://newrepublic.com/article/171370/calling-fascist |archive-date=29 March 2023}}</ref>

Racism was a key feature of German fascism, for which the [[Holocaust]] was a high priority. According to ''The Historiography of [[Genocide]]'', "In dealing with the Holocaust, it is the consensus of historians that Nazi Germany targeted Jews as a race, not as a religious group."{{sfnp|Weiss-Wendt|Krieken|Cave|2008|p=73}} Umberto Eco,<ref name="Eco1995">{{cite news|url=http://www.justicescholars.org/pegc/archive/Articles/eco_ur-fascism.pdf |first=Umberto |last=Eco |author-link=Umberto Eco |title=Eternal Fascism |newspaper=[[The New York Review of Books]] |publisher=[[New York Times Company]] |location=New York City |date=22 June 1995 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20051129130630/http://www.justicescholars.org/pegc/archive/Articles/eco_ur-fascism.pdf |archive-date=29 November 2005 |via=justicescholars.org}}</ref> Kevin Passmore,{{sfnp|Passmore|2002|p=31}} John Weiss,{{sfnp|Weiss|1967}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} Ian Adams,{{sfnp|Adams|1993}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} and Moyra Grant{{sfnp|Grant|2003|pp=60–61}} stress [[racism]] as a characteristic component of German fascism. Historian [[Robert Soucy]] stated that "Hitler envisioned the ideal German society as a {{lang|de|[[Volksgemeinschaft]]}}, a racially unified and hierarchically organized body in which the interests of individuals would be strictly subordinate to those of the nation, or Volk."{{sfnp|Encyclopedia Britannica ''Volksgemeinschaft''}} Kershaw noted that common factors of fascism included "the 'cleansing' of all those deemed not to belong – foreigners, ethnic minorities, 'undesirables'" and belief in its own nation's superiority, even if it was not biological racism like in Nazism.{{sfnp|Kershaw|2016|p=228-9}} Fascist philosophies vary by application, but remain distinct by one theoretical commonality: all traditionally fall into the far-right sector of any [[political spectrum]], catalyzed by afflicted class identities over conventional social inequities.<ref name="RoutledgeCompanion"/>

=== Position on the political spectrum ===
[[File:Francoist demonstration in Salamanca.jpg|thumb|Pro-government demonstration in [[Salamanca]], [[Francoist Spain]], in 1937. [[Francisco Franco]] was later labeled by some commentators the "last surviving fascist dictator".<ref>{{cite news |title=Franco's dictatorship |url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/Francisco-Franco/Francos-dictatorship |work=Encyclopaedia Britannica}}</ref>]]
Scholars place fascism on the [[far right|far-right]] of the [[political spectrum]].<ref name="RoutledgeCompanion"/><ref name="USHMM"/><ref name="University-Aristotle-Hartley-Wilhelm-Hawkesworth"/> Such scholarship focuses on its [[social conservatism]] and its [[authoritarian]] means of opposing [[egalitarianism]].{{sfnmp|1a1=Davies|1a2=Lynch|1y=2002|1pp=126–127|Zafirovski|2008|2pp=137–138}} Roderick Stackelberg places fascism—including [[Nazism]], which he says is "a radical variant of fascism"—on the political right by explaining: "The more a person deems absolute equality among all people to be a desirable condition, the further left he or she will be on the ideological spectrum. The more a person considers inequality to be unavoidable or even desirable, the further to the right he or she will be."{{sfnp|Stackelberg|1999|pp=4–6}}

Fascism's origins are complex and include many seemingly contradictory viewpoints, ultimately centered on a mythos of national rebirth from decadence.{{sfnp|Griffin|2003}} Fascism was founded during [[World War I]] by Italian [[national syndicalists]] who drew upon both [[left-wing]] organizational tactics and [[right-wing]] political views.{{sfnp|Gregor|2009|p=191}} [[Italian Fascism]] gravitated to the right in the early 1920s.{{sfnmp|1a1=Sternhell|1a2=Sznajder|1a3=Ashéri|1y=1994|1p=161|2a1=Borsella|2a2=Caso|2y=2007|2p=76}} A major element of fascist ideology that has been deemed to be far right is its stated goal to promote the right of a supposedly [[supremacism|superior people]] to dominate, while purging society of supposedly inferior elements.{{sfnp|Woshinsky|2008|p=156}}

In the 1920s, Mussolini and [[Giovanni Gentile]] described their ideology as right-wing in the political essay ''[[The Doctrine of Fascism]]'', stating: "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right,' a fascist century."{{sfnmp|1a1=Schnapp|1a2=Sears|1a3=Stampino|1y=2000|1p=57|Mussolini|1935|2p=26}} Mussolini stated that fascism's position on the political spectrum was not a serious issue for fascists: "fascism, sitting on the right, could also have sat on the mountain of the center. [...] These words in any case do not have a fixed and unchanged meaning: they do have a variable subject to location, time and spirit. We don't give a damn about these empty terminologies and we despise those who are terrorized by these words."<ref>Mussolini quoted in {{harvp|Gentile|2005|p=205}}</ref>

Major Italian groups politically on the right, especially rich landowners and big business, feared an uprising by groups on the left, such as sharecroppers and labour unions.{{sfnp|Baranski|West|2001|pp=50–51}} They welcomed fascism and supported its violent suppression of opponents on the left.{{sfnp|Encyclopedia Britannica ''The fascist era''}} The accommodation of the political right into the Italian Fascist movement in the early 1920s created internal factions within the movement. The "Fascist left" included [[Michele Bianchi]], [[Giuseppe Bottai]], [[Angelo Oliviero Olivetti]], [[Sergio Panunzio]], and [[Edmondo Rossoni]], who were committed to advancing national syndicalism as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism in order to modernize the economy and advance the interests of workers and the common people.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=112}} The "fascist right" included members of the paramilitary [[Blackshirts]] and former members of the [[Italian Nationalist Association]] (ANI).{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=112}} The Blackshirts wanted to establish fascism as a complete dictatorship, while the former ANI members, including [[Alfredo Rocco]], sought to institute an authoritarian corporatist state to replace the liberal state in Italy while retaining the existing elites.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=112}} Upon accommodating the political right, there arose a group of monarchist fascists who sought to use fascism to create an [[absolute monarchy]] under King [[Victor Emmanuel III of Italy]].{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=112}}

After the [[fall of the Fascist regime in Italy]], when King Victor Emmanuel III forced Mussolini to resign as head of government and placed him under arrest in 1943, Mussolini was rescued by German forces. While continuing to rely on Germany for support, Mussolini and the remaining loyal Fascists founded the [[Italian Social Republic]] with Mussolini as head of state. Mussolini sought to re-radicalize Italian Fascism, declaring that the fascist state had been overthrown because Italian fascism had been subverted by Italian conservatives and the bourgeoisie.{{sfnp|Ball|Bellamy|2003|p=133}} Then the new fascist government proposed the creation of workers' councils and profit-sharing in industry, although the German authorities, who effectively controlled northern Italy at this point, ignored these measures and did not seek to enforce them.{{sfnp|Ball|Bellamy|2003|p=133}}

A number of post-World War II fascist movements described themselves as a [[Third Position]] outside the traditional political spectrum. [[Falange Española de las JONS]] leader [[José Antonio Primo de Rivera]] said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile."{{sfnp|Neocleous|1997|p=54}}

=== ''Fascist'' as a pejorative ===
{{main|Fascist (insult)}}
The term ''fascist'' has been used as a [[pejorative]],{{sfnp|Gregor|2005|p=4}} regarding varying movements across the far right of the political spectrum. [[George Orwell]] noted in 1944 that the term had been used to denigrate diverse positions "in internal politics": while fascism is "a political and economic system" that was inconvenient to define, "''as used'', the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless. ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist,{{'"}}{{sfnp|Orwell|2019}}{{emphasis added}}, and in 1946 wrote that "...'Fascism' has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies something not desirable."{{sfnp|Orwell|1946}}

Despite fascist movements' history of [[anti-communism]], [[Communist state]]s have sometimes been referred to as ''fascist'', typically as an insult. It has been applied to [[Marxist–Leninist]] regimes in [[Cuba]] under [[Fidel Castro]] and [[Vietnam]] under [[Ho Chi Minh]].{{sfnp|Griffin|Feldman|2004a|p=231}} Chinese Marxists used the term to denounce the [[Soviet Union]] during the [[Sino-Soviet split]], and the Soviets used the term to denounce Chinese Marxists{{sfnp|Quarantotto|1976}} and [[social democracy]], coining a new term in ''[[social fascism]]''.

In the United States, Herbert Matthews of ''[[The New York Times]]'' asked in 1946: "Should we now place Stalinist Russia in the same category as Hitlerite Germany? Should we say that she is Fascist?"{{sfnp|Matthews|1946}} [[J. Edgar Hoover]], longtime [[FBI]] director and ardent anti-communist, wrote extensively of [[red fascism]].{{sfnp|Hoover|1947}} The [[Ku Klux Klan]] in the 1920s was sometimes called ''fascist''. Historian Peter Amann states that, "Undeniably, the Klan had some traits in common with European fascism—chauvinism, racism, a mystique of violence, an affirmation of a certain kind of archaic traditionalism—yet their differences were fundamental ... [the KKK] never envisioned a change of political or economic system."{{sfnp|Amann|1986|p=562}}

Richard Griffiths of the [[University of Wales]] wrote in 2000 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".{{sfnp|Griffiths|2000}}{{rp|1}} "Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-World War II organizations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term ''[[neo-fascist]]''.{{sfnp|Woolf|1981|p=18}}

== History ==
{{further|Fascism and ideology}}

=== Background and 19th-century roots ===
[[File:Hoplit.png|thumb|Depiction of a Greek Hoplite warrior; ancient [[Sparta]] has been considered an inspiration for fascist and quasi-fascist movements, such as [[Nazism]] and quasi-fascist [[Metaxism]]]]
Early influences that shaped the ideology of fascism have been dated back to [[Ancient Greece]]. The political culture of ancient Greece and specifically the ancient Greek city state of [[Sparta]] under [[Lycurgus of Sparta|Lycurgus]], with its emphasis on militarism and racial purity, were admired by the Nazis.<ref name="ReferenceB">{{cite journal |date=2013 |title=To what extent was Hitler's rule of Nazi Germany similar to life in Sparta? |url=https://www.academia.edu/4761037 |access-date=15 April 2016 |website=Academia |last1=Whiffen |first1=Timothy}}</ref><ref>Anthony Grafton, Glenn W. Most, Salvatore Settis. ''The Classical Tradition''. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2010. Pp. 353.</ref> Nazi ''[[Führer]]'' [[Adolf Hitler]] emphasized that Germany should adhere to Hellenic values and culture – particularly that of ancient Sparta.<ref name="ReferenceB"/>

[[Georges Valois]], founder of the first non-Italian fascist party [[Faisceau]],{{sfnp|Sternhell|1976}} claimed the roots of fascism stemmed from the late 18th century [[Jacobin (politics)|Jacobin]] movement, seeing in its totalitarian nature a foreshadowing of the fascist state.{{sfnp|Camus|Lebourg|2017|p=20}} Historian [[George Mosse]] similarly analyzed fascism as an inheritor of the [[mass movement (politics)|mass ideology]] and [[civil religion]] of the [[French Revolution]], as well as a result of the brutalization of societies in 1914–1918.{{sfnp|Camus|Lebourg|2017|p=20}}

Historians such as [[Irene Collins]] and Howard C Payne see [[Napoleon III]], who ran a 'police state' and suppressed the media, as a forerunner of fascism.{{sfnp|Williams|2015|p=28}} According to [[David Thomson (historian)|David Thomson]],{{sfnp|Thomson|1966|p=293}} the Italian [[Risorgimento]] of 1871 led to the 'nemesis of fascism'. [[William L Shirer]]{{sfnp|Shirer|1960|p=97}} sees a continuity from the views of [[Fichte]] and [[Hegel]], through [[Otto von Bismarck|Bismarck]], to Hitler; [[Robert Gerwarth]] speaks of a 'direct line' from Bismarck to Hitler.{{sfnp|Gerwarth|2005|p=166}} Julian Dierkes sees fascism as a 'particularly violent form of [[imperialism]]'.{{sfnp|Dierkes|2010|p=54}}

[[Marcus Garvey]], founder and leader of the [[Universal Negro Improvement Association]], insisted that he and his organisation "were the first fascists".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gregor |first1=A. James |chapter=5 - Black Nationalism and Neofascism: Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association |title=The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science |date=27 March 2006 |pages=111–136 |doi=10.1017/cbo9780511617225.006 |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |isbn=9780521859202}}</ref> In 1938, [[C.L.R. James]] wrote "all the things that Hitler was to do so well later, Marcus Garvey was doing in 1920 and 1921".<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Gilroy |first1=Paul |title=Black Fascism |journal=Transition |date=2000 |issue=81/82 |pages=70–91 |jstor=3137450 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/3137450 |issn=0041-1191}}</ref>

=== {{lang|fr|Fin de siècle}} era and fusion of Maurrasism with Sorelianism (1880–1914) ===
{{see_also|National syndicalism}}
The historian [[Zeev Sternhell]] has traced the ideological roots of fascism back to the 1880s and in particular to the {{lang|fr|[[fin de siècle]]}} theme of that time.{{sfnmp|Sternhell|1998|1p=169|Payne|1995|2pp=23–24}} The theme was based on a revolt against [[materialism]], [[rationalism]], [[positivism]], [[bourgeois]] society, and [[democracy]].{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=170}} The {{lang|fr|fin-de-siècle}} generation supported [[emotionalism (disorder)|emotionalism]], [[irrationalism]], [[subjectivism]] and [[vitalism]].{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=24}} They regarded civilization as being in crisis, requiring a massive and total solution.{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=170}} Their intellectual school considered the individual as only one part of the larger collectivity, which should not be viewed as a numerical sum of atomized individuals.{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=170}} They condemned the rationalistic, [[liberal individualism]] of society and the dissolution of social links in bourgeois society.{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=170}}

The {{lang|fr|fin-de-siècle}} outlook was influenced by various intellectual developments, including [[Darwinian]] biology, {{lang|de|[[Gesamtkunstwerk]]}}, [[Arthur de Gobineau]]'s racialism, [[Gustave Le Bon]]'s [[psychology]], and the philosophies of [[Friedrich Nietzsche]], [[Fyodor Dostoyevsky]], and [[Henri Bergson]].{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=171}} [[Social Darwinism]], which gained widespread acceptance, made no distinction between physical and social life, and viewed the human condition as being an unceasing struggle to achieve the [[survival of the fittest]].{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=171}} It challenged positivism's claim of deliberate and rational choice as the determining behaviour of humans, with social Darwinism focusing on heredity, race, and environment.{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=171}} Its emphasis on biogroup identity and the role of organic relations within societies fostered the legitimacy and appeal of nationalism.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=29}} New theories of social and political psychology also rejected the notion of human behaviour being governed by rational choice and instead claimed that emotion was more influential in political issues than reason.{{sfnp|Sternhell|1998|p=171}} Nietzsche's argument that "God is dead" coincided with his attack on the "herd mentality" of [[Christianity]], [[democracy]], and modern [[Collectivism and individualism|collectivism]], his concept of the {{lang|de|[[Übermensch]]}}, and his advocacy of the [[will to power]] as a primordial instinct, were major influences upon many of the {{lang|fr|fin-de-siècle}} generation.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|pp=24–25}} Bergson's claim of the existence of an {{lang|fr|élan vital}}, or vital instinct, centred upon free choice and rejected the processes of materialism and determinism; this challenged Marxism.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=25}}

{{multiple image
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}}
In his work ''The Ruling Class'' (1896), [[Gaetano Mosca]] developed the theory that claims that in all societies an "organized minority" would dominate and rule over an "disorganized majority",{{sfnmp|Outhwaite|2006|1p=442|Koon|1985|2p=6}} stating that there are only two classes in society, "the governing" (the organized minority) and "the governed" (the disorganized majority).{{sfnp|Caforio|2006|p=12}} He claims that the organized nature of the organized minority makes it irresistible to any individual of the disorganized majority.{{sfnp|Caforio|2006|p=12}}

[[French nationalist]] and [[reactionary]] monarchist [[Charles Maurras]] influenced fascism.{{sfnp|Carroll|1998|p=92}} Maurras promoted what he called [[integral nationalism]], which called for the organic unity of a nation, and insisted that a powerful monarch was an ideal leader of a nation. Maurras distrusted what he considered the democratic mystification of the popular will that created an impersonal collective subject.{{sfnp|Carroll|1998|p=92}} He claimed that a powerful monarch was a personified sovereign who could exercise authority to unite a nation's people.{{sfnp|Carroll|1998|p=92}} Maurras' integral nationalism was idealized by fascists, but modified into a modernized revolutionary form that was devoid of Maurras' monarchism.{{sfnp|Carroll|1998|p=92}}

==== Fascist syndicalism ====
{{main|Fascist syndicalism}}
French revolutionary [[syndicalist]] [[Georges Sorel]] promoted the legitimacy of [[political violence]] in his work ''[[Reflections on Violence]]'' (1908) and other works in which he advocated radical syndicalist action to achieve a revolution to overthrow capitalism and the bourgeoisie through a [[general strike]].{{sfnp|Antliff|2007|pp=75–81}} In ''Reflections on Violence'', Sorel emphasized need for a revolutionary [[political religion]].{{sfnp|Antliff|2007|p=81}} Also in his work ''The Illusions of Progress'', Sorel denounced democracy as reactionary, saying "nothing is more aristocratic than democracy."{{sfnp|Antliff|2007|p=77}} By 1909, after the failure of a syndicalist general strike in France, Sorel and his supporters left the radical left and went to the radical right, where they sought to merge militant Catholicism and French patriotism with their views—advocating anti-republican Christian French patriots as ideal revolutionaries.{{sfnp|Antliff|2007|p=82}} Initially, Sorel had officially been a [[Revisionism (Marxism)|revisionist]] of Marxism, but by 1910 announced his abandonment of socialist literature and claimed in 1914, using an aphorism of [[Benedetto Croce]] that "socialism is dead" because of the "decomposition of Marxism".{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=78}} Sorel became a supporter of reactionary Maurrassian nationalism beginning in 1909 that influenced his works.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=78}} Maurras held interest in merging his nationalist ideals with Sorelian [[syndicalism]], known as [[Sorelianism]], as a means to confront democracy.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=82}} Maurras stated that "a socialism liberated from the democratic and cosmopolitan element fits nationalism well as a well made glove fits a beautiful hand."{{sfnp|Holmes|2000|p=60}}

The fusion of Maurrassian nationalism and Sorelian syndicalism influenced radical Italian nationalist [[Enrico Corradini]].{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=163}} Corradini spoke of the need for a nationalist-syndicalist movement, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action and a willingness to fight.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=163}} Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "[[plutocratic]]" French and British.{{sfnp|Blinkhorn|2006|p=12}} Corradini's views were part of a wider set of perceptions within the right-wing Italian Nationalist Association (ANI), which claimed that Italy's economic backwardness was caused by corruption in its political class, liberalism, and division caused by "ignoble socialism".{{sfnp|Blinkhorn|2006|p=12}}

The ANI held ties and influence among [[conservatives]], Catholics, and the business community.{{sfnp|Blinkhorn|2006|p=12–13}} Italian national syndicalists held a common set of principles: the rejection of [[bourgeois]] values, democracy, liberalism, [[Marxism]], [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]], and [[pacifism]], and the promotion of [[heroism]], vitalism, and violence.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=32}} The ANI claimed that liberal democracy was no longer compatible with the modern world, and advocated a strong state and imperialism. They believed that humans are naturally predatory, and that nations are in a constant struggle in which only the strongest would survive.{{sfnp|Gentile|2003|p=6}}

[[File:Manifesto of Futurism.jpg|thumb|[[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]], Italian modernist author of the [[Futurist Manifesto]] (1909) and later the co-author of the [[Fascist Manifesto]] (1919)]]
[[Futurism]] was both an artistic-cultural movement and initially a political movement in Italy led by [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]] who founded the [[Manifesto of Futurism]] (1908), that championed the causes of modernism, action, and political violence as necessary elements of politics while denouncing liberalism and parliamentary politics. Marinetti rejected conventional democracy based on majority rule and egalitarianism, for a new form of democracy, promoting what he described in his work "The Futurist Conception of Democracy" as the following: "We are therefore able to give the directions to create and to dismantle to numbers, to quantity, to the mass, for with us number, quantity and mass will never be—as they are in Germany and Russia—the number, quantity and mass of mediocre men, incapable and indecisive."{{sfnp|Hewitt|1993|p=153}}

Futurism influenced fascism in its emphasis on recognizing the virile nature of violent action and war as being necessities of modern civilization.{{sfnp|Gori|2004|p=14}} Marinetti promoted the need of physical training of young men saying that, in male education, gymnastics should take precedence over books. He advocated segregation of the genders because womanly sensibility must not enter men's education, which he claimed must be "lively, bellicose, muscular and violently dynamic."{{sfnp|Gori|2004|pp=20–21}}

=== World War I and its aftermath (1914–1929) ===
[[File:Benito Mussolini 1917.jpg|thumb|left|upright|[[Benito Mussolini]] (here in 1917 as a soldier in [[World War I]]), who in 1914 founded and led the {{lang|it|[[Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria]]}} to promote the Italian intervention in the war as a [[revolutionary nationalist]] action to liberate Italian-claimed lands from Austria-Hungary]]
At the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, the Italian political left became severely split over its position on the war. The [[Italian Socialist Party]] (PSI) opposed the war but a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported war against Germany and Austria-Hungary on the grounds that their reactionary regimes had to be defeated to ensure the success of socialism.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=175}} Angelo Oliviero Olivetti formed a pro-interventionist ''[[fascio]]'' called the [[Fascio Rivoluzionario d'Azione Internazionalista|Revolutionary Fasces of International Action]] in October 1914.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=175}} Benito Mussolini upon being expelled from his position as chief editor of the PSI's newspaper {{lang|it|[[Avanti! (Italian newspaper)|Avanti!]]}} for his anti-German stance, joined the interventionist cause in a separate ''fascio''.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=214}} The term "fascism" was first used in 1915 by members of Mussolini's movement, the Fasces of Revolutionary Action.{{sfnp|O'Brien|2014|p=52}}

The first meeting of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action was held on 24 January 1915{{sfnp|O'Brien|2014|p=41}} when Mussolini declared that it was necessary for Europe to resolve its national problems—including national borders—of Italy and elsewhere "for the ideals of justice and liberty for which oppressed peoples must acquire the right to belong to those national communities from which they descended."{{sfnp|O'Brien|2014|p=41}} Attempts to hold mass meetings were ineffective and the organization was regularly harassed by government authorities and socialists.{{sfnp|Gregor|1979|pp=195–196}}

[[File:IR Lübeck 033 - EB.jpg|thumb|German soldiers parading through Lübeck in the days leading up to World War I. [[Johann Plenge]]'s concept of the "[[Spirit of 1914]]" identified the outbreak of war as a moment that forged nationalistic German solidarity.]]

Similar political ideas arose in Germany after the outbreak of the war. German sociologist [[Johann Plenge]] spoke of the rise of a "National Socialism" in Germany within what he termed the "ideas of 1914" that were a declaration of war against the "ideas of 1789" (the French Revolution).{{sfnp|Kitchen|2006|p=205}} According to Plenge, the "ideas of 1789"—such as the rights of man, democracy, individualism and liberalism—were being rejected in favor of "the ideas of 1914" that included "German values" of duty, discipline, law and order.{{sfnp|Kitchen|2006|p=205}} Plenge believed that racial solidarity ({{lang|de|Volksgemeinschaft}}) would replace class division and that "racial comrades" would unite to create a socialist society in the struggle of "proletarian" Germany against "capitalist" Britain.{{sfnp|Kitchen|2006|p=205}} He believed that the [[Spirit of 1914]] manifested itself in the concept of the People's League of National Socialism.{{sfnp|Hüppauf|1997|p=92}} This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state.{{sfnp|Hüppauf|1997|p=92}} This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy.{{sfnp|Hüppauf|1997|p=92}}{{sfnp|Held|1980}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical [[Technocracy|technocratic]] state.{{sfnp|Rohkrämer|2007|p=130}}

==== Impact of World War I ====
[[File:Italian Arditi.jpg|thumb|Members of Italy's {{lang|it|[[Arditi]]}} corps (here in 1918 holding daggers, a symbol of their group), which was formed in 1917 as groups of soldiers trained for dangerous missions, characterized by refusal to surrender and willingness to fight to the death. Their black uniforms inspired those of the Italian Fascist movement.]]
Fascists viewed World War I as bringing revolutionary changes in the nature of war, society, the state and technology, as the advent of [[total war]] and mass mobilization had broken down the distinction between civilian and combatant, as civilians had become a critical part in economic production for the war effort and thus arose a "military citizenship" in which all citizens were involved to the military in some manner during the war.{{sfnmp|Blamires|2006|1pp=140–141, 670|Mann|2004|2p=65}} World War I had resulted in the rise of a powerful state capable of mobilizing millions of people to serve on the front lines or provide economic production and logistics to support those on the front lines, as well as having unprecedented authority to intervene in the lives of citizens.{{sfnmp|Blamires|2006|1pp=140–141, 670|Mann|2004|2p=65}} Fascists viewed technological developments of weaponry and the state's total mobilization of its population in the war as symbolizing the beginning of a new era fusing state power with [[mass politics]], technology and particularly the mobilizing myth that they contended had triumphed over the myth of progress and the era of liberalism.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|pp=140–141, 670}}

==== Impact of the Bolshevik Revolution ====
[[File:Leon Trotsky in exile.webp|200x200px|thumb|Leon Trotsky was an early observer on the rise of [[Nazi Germany]] during his final years in exile<ref>"Trotsky...maintained during the period of Hitler's rise to power so persistent and, for the most part, so prescient a commentary on the course of events in Germany as to deserve record".{{cite book |last1=Carr |first1=Edward Hallett |title=The twilight of Comintern 1930–1935 |date=1986 |publisher=Macmillan |isbn=978-0-333-40455-3 |page=433}}</ref> and advocated for the tactic of a [[united front]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ticktin |first1=Hillel |title=Trotsky's political economy of capitalism. Brotherstone, Terence; Dukes, Paul,(eds) |date=1992 |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |isbn=978-0-7486-0317-6 |page=227}}</ref>]]
The [[October Revolution]] of 1917, in which [[Bolshevik]] communists led by [[Vladimir Lenin]] seized power in Russia, greatly influenced the development of fascism.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|pp=95–96}} [[Leon Trotsky]] would later formulate a theory of fascism based on a dialectical interpretation of events to analyze the manifestation of [[Italian fascism]] and the early emergence of Nazi Germany from 1930 to 1933.{{sfn|Wistrich|1976}} Trotsky saw fascism as an imitation of Bolshevism, writing: "Both Hitler and Mussolini have plagiarized and imitated practically everything from everyone. Mussolini stole from the Bolsheviks and from [[Gabriele D'Annunzio]], and found inspiration in the camp of big business. Hitler imitated the Bolsheviks and Mussolini."<ref>{{cite book|author-last=Trotsky|author-first=Leon|title=Stalin: An Appraisal of the Man and his Influence|year=1941|page=412|publisher=Harper & Brother}}</ref> In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the [[Fasces of Revolutionary Action]], praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of [[Tsar Nicholas II]].{{sfnp|Neville|2004|p=36}} After World War I, fascists commonly campaigned on [[anti-Marxist]] agendas.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|pp=95–96}}

Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks argue that there are various similarities between the two, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, showed contempt for bourgeois values, and had totalitarian ambitions.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|pp=95–96}} In practice, both have commonly emphasized revolutionary action, proletarian nation theories, one-party states, and party-armies;{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|pp=95–96}} however, both draw clear distinctions from each other both in aims and tactics, with the Bolsheviks emphasizing the need for an organized [[participatory democracy]] ([[Soviet democracy]]) and an [[egalitarian]], internationalist vision for society based on [[proletarian internationalism]], while fascists emphasized [[hyper-nationalism]] and open hostility towards democracy, envisioning a hierarchical [[social structure]] as essential to their aims. With the antagonism between [[anti-interventionist]] Marxists and pro-[[Interventionism (politics)|interventionist]] fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The fascists presented themselves as [[anti-communists]] and as especially opposed to the [[Marxists]].{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=178}}

In 1919, Mussolini consolidated control over the fascist movement, known as {{lang|it|[[Sansepolcrismo]]}}, with the founding of the ''[[Italian Fasces of Combat]]''.{{sfnp|Encyclopedia Britannica ''The fascist era''}}

==== Fascist Manifesto and Charter of Carnaro ====
In 1919, [[Alceste De Ambris]] and [[futurist]] movement leader [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]] created "[[The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat]]".{{sfnp|Elazar|2001|p=73}} The Fascist Manifesto was presented on 6 June 1919 in the fascist newspaper {{lang|it|[[Il Popolo d'Italia]]}} and supported the creation of [[universal suffrage]], including [[women's suffrage]] (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded);{{sfnp|Passmore|2003|p=116}} [[proportional representation]] on a regional basis; government representation through a [[corporatist]] system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, and communications, among others; and abolition of the [[Senate of the Kingdom of Italy]].{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|p=69}} The Fascist Manifesto supported the creation of an [[eight-hour work day]] for all workers, a [[minimum wage]], worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong [[progressive tax]] on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics, and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of profits.{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|pp=69–70}} It also called for the fulfillment of expansionist aims in the Balkans and other parts of the Mediterranean,{{sfnp|Paxton|2005}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, [[nationalization]] of the armaments industry, and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|p=70}}

[[File:Fiume cheering D'Annunzio.jpg|thumb|Residents of [[Fiume]] cheer the arrival of [[Gabriele d'Annunzio]] and his blackshirt-wearing nationalist raiders, as D'Annunzio and fascist [[Alceste De Ambris]] developed the quasi-fascist [[Italian Regency of Carnaro]] (a city-state in Fiume) from 1919 to 1920 and whose actions inspired the Italian fascist movement. In September 1919 Fiume had 22,488 (62% of the population) Italians in a total population of 35,839 inhabitants]]
The next events that influenced the fascists in Italy were the raid of [[Fiume (city)|Fiume]] by Italian nationalist [[Gabriele d'Annunzio]] and the founding of the [[Charter of Carnaro]] in 1920.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=186}} D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist [[productionism]] alongside D'Annunzio's political views.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=187}} Many fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a fascist Italy.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=189}} This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and [[South Slavs]] was pursued by Italian fascists with their persecution of South Slavs—especially Slovenes and Croats.

==== From populism to conservative accommodations ====
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Year" ({{lang|it|[[Biennio Rosso]]}}).{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|p=73}} Mussolini and the fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy.{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|p=75}}

Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=189}} The fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=193}} The fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=193}}

Fascism sought to accommodate Italian conservatives by making major alterations to its political agenda—abandoning its previous populism, [[republicanism]] and [[anticlericalism]], adopting policies in support of [[free enterprise]] and accepting the [[Catholic Church]] and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.{{sfnp|De Grand|2000|p=145}} To appeal to Italian conservatives, fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce—limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. The fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.{{sfnp|Blinkhorn|2003|p=14}}

Although fascism adopted a number of anti-modern positions designed to appeal to people upset with the new trends in sexuality and women's rights—especially those with a [[reactionary]] point of view—the fascists sought to maintain fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying: "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary."{{sfnp|Sternhell|Sznajder|Ashéri|1994|p=190}} The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.{{sfnp|Blinkhorn|2003|p=22}}

Prior to fascism's accommodations to the political right, fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|p=72}} After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.{{sfnp|Borsella|Caso|2007|p=76}} A 2020 article by [[Daron Acemoğlu]], Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, and Gianluca Russo in the [[Center for Economic and Policy Research]], exploring the link between the threat of [[socialism]] and Mussolini's rise to power, found "a strong association between the Red Scare in Italy and the subsequent local support for the Fascist Party in the early 1920s." According to the authors, it was local elites and large landowners who played an important role in boosting Fascist Party activity and support, which did not come from socialists' core supporters but from [[centre-right]] voters, as they viewed traditional centre-right parties as ineffective in stopping socialism and turned to the Fascists. In 2003, historian Adrian Lyttelton wrote: "The expansion of Fascism in the rural areas was stimulated and directed by the reaction of the farmers and landowners against the peasant leagues of both Socialists and Catholics."{{sfnp|Acemoğlu|De Feo|De Luca|Russo|2020}}

==== Fascist violence ====
Beginning in 1922, fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy from one of attacking socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures, to one of violent occupation of cities. The fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several northern Italian cities.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=87}} The fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Catholic labour unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of [[Bolzano]].{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=87}}{{sfnp|Ferrandi|Obermair|2023|p=127–67}} After seizing these cities, the fascists made plans to take [[Rome]].{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=87}}

[[File:March on Rome.jpg|thumb|[[Benito Mussolini]] with three of the four [[quadrumvirs]] during the [[March on Rome]] (from left to right: unknown, [[Emilio de Bono|de Bono]], Mussolini, [[Italo Balbo|Balbo]] and [[Cesare Maria de Vecchi|de Vecchi]])]]
On 24 October 1922, the Fascist Party held its annual congress in [[Naples]], where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=87}} The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=88}} King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=90}} Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as [[Prime Minister of Italy]] and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=90}} Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "[[March on Rome]]", as a "seizure" of power because of Fascists' heroic exploits.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=87}}

=== Fascist Italy ===
Historian Stanley G. Payne says: "[Fascism in Italy was a] primarily political dictatorship. ... The Fascist Party itself had become almost completely bureaucratized and subservient to, not dominant over, the state itself. Big business, industry, and finance retained extensive autonomy, particularly in the early years. The armed forces also enjoyed considerable autonomy. ... The Fascist militia was placed under military control. ... The judicial system was left largely intact and relatively autonomous as well. The police continued to be directed by state officials and were not taken over by party leaders ... nor was a major new police elite created. ... There was never any question of bringing the Church under overall subservience. ... Sizable sectors of Italian cultural life retained extensive autonomy, and no major state propaganda-and-culture ministry existed. ... The Mussolini regime was neither especially sanguinary nor particularly repressive."{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=122}}

==== Mussolini in power ====
Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=110}} Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued [[Economic liberalism|economically liberal]] policies under the direction of liberal finance minister [[Alberto De Stefani]], a member of the Center Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=110}} Initially, little drastic change in government policy had occurred and repressive police actions were limited.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=110}}

The Fascists began their attempt to entrench fascism in Italy with the [[Acerbo Law]], which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=113}} Through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation, the list won a majority of the vote, allowing many seats to go to the Fascists.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=113}} In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy [[Giacomo Matteotti]] was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=113}} The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the [[Aventine Secession (20th century)|Aventine Secession]].{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=114}} On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but insisted that he had done nothing wrong. Mussolini proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=114}} From 1925 to 1929, fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=115}}

==== Catholic Church ====
In 1929, the Fascist regime briefly gained what was in effect a blessing of the Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the [[Lateran Treaty]], which gave the papacy state sovereignty and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the 19th century, but within two years the Church had renounced fascism in the Encyclical ''[[Non Abbiamo Bisogno]]'' as a "pagan idolatry of the state" which teaches "hatred, violence and irreverence".{{sfnp|Payne|1995|pp=119–120}} Not long after signing the agreement, by Mussolini's own confession, the Church had threatened to have him "excommunicated", in part because of his intractable nature, but also because he had "confiscated more issues of Catholic newspapers in the next three months than in the previous seven years."{{sfnp|Mack Smith|1983|p=162}} By the late 1930s, Mussolini became more vocal in his anti-clerical rhetoric, repeatedly denouncing the Catholic Church and discussing ways to depose the pope. He took the position that the "papacy was a malignant tumor in the body of Italy and must 'be rooted out once and for all,' because there was no room in Rome for both the Pope and himself."{{sfnp|Mack Smith|1983|pp=222–223}} In her 1974 book, Mussolini's widow Rachele stated that her husband had always been an atheist until near the end of his life, writing that her husband was "basically irreligious until the later years of his life."{{sfnp|Mussolini|1977|p=131}}

The Nazis in Germany employed similar anti-clerical policies. The Gestapo confiscated hundreds of monasteries in Austria and Germany, evicted clergymen and laymen alike and often replaced crosses with swastikas.{{sfnp|von Lang|1979|p=221}} Referring to the swastika as "the Devil's Cross", church leaders found their youth organizations banned, their meetings limited and various Catholic periodicals censored or banned. Government officials eventually found it necessary to place "Nazis into editorial positions in the Catholic press."{{sfnp|Evans|2005|p=239}} Up to 2,720 clerics, mostly Catholics, were arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned inside of Germany's Dachau concentration camp, resulting in over 1,000 deaths.{{sfnp|Berben|1975|pp=276–277}}

==== Corporatist economic system ====
The Fascist regime created a corporatist economic system in 1925 with creation of [[Pact of the Vidoni Palace|the Palazzo Vidoni Pact]], in which the Italian employers' association [[Confindustria]] and fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-fascist trade unions.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=150}} The Fascist regime first created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs and in 1927 created the [[Labour Charter of 1927|Charter of Labour]], which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=150}} In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, and the employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves, but instead by appointed Fascist party members.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=150}}

==== Aggressive foreign policy ====
In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of [[Corfu]], ambitions to expand Italian territory in the [[Balkans]], plans to wage war against [[Turkey]] and [[Kingdom of Yugoslavia|Yugoslavia]], attempts to bring Yugoslavia into civil war by supporting Croat and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention and making [[Albania]] a ''de facto'' [[protectorate]] of Italy, which was achieved through diplomatic means by 1927.{{sfnp|Kallis|2000|p=132}} In response to revolt in the Italian colony of [[Libya]], Fascist Italy abandoned previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya.{{sfnp|Ahmida|1994|pp=134–135}} This resulted in an aggressive military campaign known as the [[Pacification of Libya]] against natives in Libya, including mass killings, the use of [[concentration camp]]s and the forced starvation of thousands of people.{{sfnp|Ahmida|1994|pp=134–135}} Italian authorities committed [[ethnic cleansing]] by forcibly expelling 100,000 [[Bedouins|Bedouin]] Cyrenaicans, half the population of Cyrenaica in Libya, from their settlements that was slated to be given to Italian settlers.{{sfnmp|Cardoza|2006|1p=109|2a1=Bloxham|2a2=Moses|2y=2010|2p=358}}

==== Hitler adopts Italian model ====
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 119-1486, Hitler-Putsch, München, Marienplatz.jpg|thumb|Nazis in Munich during the [[Beer Hall Putsch]] ]]
The March on Rome brought fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was [[Adolf Hitler]], who less than a month after the March had begun to model himself and the [[Nazi Party]] upon Mussolini and the Fascists.{{sfnp|Kershaw|2000|p=182}} The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero [[Erich Ludendorff]], attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed [[Beer Hall Putsch]] in [[Munich]] in November 1923.{{sfnp|Jablonsky|1989|pp=20–26, 30}}

=== International impact of the Great Depression and buildup to World War II ===

The conditions of economic hardship caused by the [[Great Depression]] brought about an international surge of social unrest. According to historian Philip Morgan, "the onset of the Great Depression ... was the greatest stimulus yet to the diffusion and expansion of fascism outside Italy."{{sfnp|Morgan|2003}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}} Fascist propaganda blamed the problems of the long depression of the 1930s on minorities and [[scapegoat]]s: "[[antisemitism|Judeo]]-[[Freemasonry|Masonic]]-[[Bolshevism|bolshevik]]" conspiracies, [[Left-wing politics#Nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-nationalism|left-wing internationalism]] and the presence of immigrants.

In Germany, it contributed to the rise of the Nazi Party, which resulted in the demise of the [[Weimar Republic]] and the establishment of the fascist regime, [[Nazi Germany]], under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. With the rise of Hitler and the Nazis to power in 1933, [[liberal democracy]] was dissolved in Germany and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries. In the 1930s, the Nazis implemented racial laws that deliberately discriminated against, [[Disfranchisement|disenfranchised]] and persecuted Jews and other racial and minority groups.

Fascist movements grew in strength elsewhere in Europe. Hungarian fascist [[Gyula Gömbös]] rose to power as Prime Minister of [[Hungary]] in 1932 and attempted to entrench his [[Party of Hungarian Life|Party of National Unity]] throughout the country. He created an eight-hour work day and a forty-eight-hour work week in industry; sought to entrench a corporatist economy; and pursued [[Irredentism|irredentist]] claims on Hungary's neighbors.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=270}} The fascist [[Iron Guard]] movement in [[Romania]] soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government, and an Iron Guard member assassinated Romanian prime minister [[Ion Duca]].{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=282–288}} The Iron Guard was the only fascist movement outside Germany and Italy to [[National Legionary State|come to power]] without foreign assistance.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q1zoXqTR_dAC&pg=PA35 |first1=Tom |last1=Gallagher |publisher=C. Hurst & Co. Publishers |date=2005 |title=Theft of a Nation: Romania Since Communism |pages=35 |isbn=9781850657163 |via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8taGDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA66 |first1=D. |last1=Deletant |publisher=[[Springer Science+Business Media|Springer]] |date=12 April 2006 |title=Hitler's Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and his Regime, Romania 1940–1944 |pages=66 |isbn=9780230502093 |via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref> During the [[6 February 1934 crisis]], [[France]] faced the greatest domestic political turmoil since the [[Dreyfus Affair]] when the fascist [[Francist Movement]] and multiple far-right movements rioted ''[[en masse]]'' in Paris against the French government resulting in major political violence.{{sfnp|Woolf|1983|p=311}} A variety of [[Para-fascism|para-fascist]] governments that borrowed elements from fascism were formed during the Great Depression, including those of [[Greece]], [[Lithuania]], [[Poland]] and Yugoslavia.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=145}}

In [[Netherlands|the Netherlands]], the [[National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands]] was at its height in the 1930s due to the Great Depression, especially in 1935 when it won almost eight percent of votes, until the year 1937.{{sfnp|Rietbergen|2000|pp=160–161}}[[File:SaudacaoIntegralista1935.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Brazilian Integralism|Integralists]] marching in Brazil]]
In the Americas, the [[Brazilian Integralism|Brazilian Integralists]] led by [[Plínio Salgado]] claimed as many as 200,000 members, although following coup attempts it faced a crackdown from the [[Estado Novo (Brazil)|Estado Novo]] of [[Getúlio Vargas]] in 1937.{{sfnp|Griffin|1991|pp=150–152}} In [[Peru]], the fascist [[Revolutionary Union (Peru)|Revolutionary Union]] was a fascist political party which was in power 1931 to 1933. In the 1930s, the [[National Socialist Movement of Chile]] gained seats in [[Chile]]'s parliament and attempted a coup d'état that resulted in the [[Seguro Obrero massacre]] of 1938.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|pp=341–342}}

During the Great Depression, Mussolini promoted active state intervention in the economy. He denounced the contemporary "[[Supercapitalism (concept in Italian Fascism)|supercapitalism]]" that he claimed began in 1914 as a failure because of its alleged [[decadence]], its support for unlimited [[consumerism]], and its intention to create the "standardization of humankind."{{sfnp|Berghaus|2000|pp=136–137}} Fascist Italy created the [[Institute for Industrial Reconstruction]] (IRI), a giant state-owned firm and holding company that provided state funding to failing private enterprises.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=189}} The IRI was made a permanent institution in Fascist Italy in 1937, pursued fascist policies to create national [[autarky]] and had the power to take over private firms to maximize war production.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=189}} While Hitler's regime only nationalized 500 companies in key industries by the early 1940s,{{sfnp|Overy|1994|p=16}} Mussolini declared in 1934 that "[t]hree-fourths of Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state."<ref>{{harvp|Toniolo|2013|p=59}}; Mussolini's speech to the Chamber of Deputies was on 26 May 1934.</ref> Due to the worldwide depression, Mussolini's government was able to take over most of Italy's largest failing banks, who held controlling interest in many Italian businesses. The Institute for Industrial Reconstruction, a state-operated holding company in charge of bankrupt banks and companies, reported in early 1934 that they held assets of "48.5 percent of the share capital of Italy", which later included the capital of the banks themselves.{{sfnp|Toniolo|2013|p=59}} Political historian Martin Blinkhorn estimated Italy's scope of state intervention and ownership "greatly surpassed that in Nazi Germany, giving Italy a public sector second only to that of Stalin's Russia."{{sfnp|Blinkhorn|2006|p=46}} In the late 1930s, Italy enacted manufacturing cartels, tariff barriers, currency restrictions and massive regulation of the economy to attempt to balance payments.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=72}} Italy's policy of autarky failed to achieve effective economic autonomy.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=72}} Nazi Germany similarly pursued an economic agenda with the aims of autarky and rearmament and imposed [[Protectionism|protectionist]] policies, including forcing the German steel industry to use lower-quality German iron ore rather than superior-quality imported iron.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=190}}

=== World War II (1939–1945) ===
In Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, both Mussolini and Hitler pursued territorial expansionist and [[interventionism (politics)|interventionist foreign policy]] agendas from the 1930s through the 1940s culminating in World War II. Mussolini called for [[Irredentism|irredentist]] Italian claims to be reclaimed, establishing Italian domination of the [[Mediterranean Sea]] and securing Italian access to the Atlantic Ocean and the creation of Italian {{lang|it|[[spazio vitale]]}} ("vital space") in the Mediterranean and [[Red Sea]] regions.{{sfnp|Kallis|2000|p=51}} Hitler called for irredentist German claims to be reclaimed along with the creation of German {{lang|de|[[Lebensraum]]}} ("living space") in Eastern Europe, including territories held by the Soviet Union, that would be colonized by Germans.{{sfnp|Kallis|2000|p=53}}

[[File:Inmate at the Rab concentration camp.jpg|thumb|[[Emaciation|Emaciated]] male inmate at the Italian [[Rab concentration camp]] ]]
From 1935 to 1939, Germany and Italy escalated their demands for territorial claims and greater influence in world affairs. Italy [[Second Italo-Ethiopian War|invaded Ethiopia in 1935]] resulting in its condemnation by the [[League of Nations]] and its widespread diplomatic isolation. In 1936, Germany [[Remilitarization of the Rhineland|remilitarized the industrial Rhineland]], a region that had been ordered demilitarized by the [[Treaty of Versailles]]. In 1938, Germany annexed [[Federal State of Austria|Austria]] and Italy assisted Germany in resolving the diplomatic crisis between Germany versus Britain and France over claims on [[Czechoslovakia]] by arranging the [[Munich Agreement]] that gave Germany the [[Sudetenland]] and was perceived at the time to have averted a European war. These hopes faded when Czechoslovakia was dissolved by the proclamation of the German client state of [[Slovak State|Slovakia]], followed by the next day of the occupation of the remaining [[Czech Lands]] and the proclamation of the German [[Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia]]. At the same time from 1938 to 1939, Italy was demanding territorial and colonial concessions from France and Britain.{{sfnp|Rodogno|2006|p=47}} In 1939, Germany prepared for war with Poland, but attempted to gain territorial concessions from Poland through diplomatic means.{{sfnp|Davidson|2004|pp=371–372}} The Polish government did not trust Hitler's promises and refused to accept Germany's demands.{{sfnp|Davidson|2004|pp=371–372}}

The invasion of Poland by Germany was deemed unacceptable by Britain, France and their allies, leading to their mutual declaration of war against Germany and the start of World War II. In 1940, Mussolini led Italy into World War II on the side of the Axis. Mussolini was aware that Italy did not have the military capacity to carry out a long war with France or the United Kingdom and waited until France was on the verge of imminent collapse and surrender from the German invasion before declaring war on France and the United Kingdom on 10 June 1940 on the assumption that the war would be short-lived following France's collapse{{sfnp|Knox|1999|pp=122–123}} Mussolini believed that following a brief entry of Italy into war with France, followed by the imminent French surrender, Italy could gain some territorial concessions from France and then concentrate its forces on a major offensive in [[Egypt]] where British and Commonwealth forces were outnumbered by Italian forces.{{sfnp|Knox|1999|pp=122–127}} Plans by Germany to invade the United Kingdom in 1940 failed after Germany lost the aerial warfare campaign in the [[Battle of Britain]]. In 1941, the Axis campaign spread to the Soviet Union after Hitler launched [[Operation Barbarossa]]. Axis forces at the height of their power controlled almost all of continental Europe. The war became prolonged—contrary to Mussolini's plans—resulting in Italy losing battles on multiple fronts and requiring German assistance.

[[File:German officer executes Jewish women who survived a mass shooting outside the Mizocz ghetto, 14 October 1942.jpg|thumb|A German officer executes Jewish women who survived a [[mass killing|mass execution]] outside the [[Mizocz Ghetto]], 14 October 1942]]
During World War II, the Axis Powers in Europe led by Nazi Germany participated in the extermination of millions of Poles, Jews, Gypsies and others in the genocide known as the Holocaust.
After 1942, Axis forces began to falter. In 1943, after Italy faced multiple military failures, the complete reliance and subordination of Italy to Germany, the Allied invasion of Italy and the corresponding international humiliation, Mussolini [[25 Luglio|was removed as head of government and arrested]] on the order of King Victor Emmanuel III, who proceeded to dismantle the Fascist state and declared Italy's switching of allegiance to the Allied side. Mussolini was rescued from arrest by German forces and led the German client state, the Italian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Nazi Germany faced multiple losses and steady Soviet and Western Allied offensives from 1943 to 1945.

On 28 April 1945, Mussolini was captured and executed by Italian communist partisans. On 30 April 1945, Hitler committed suicide. Shortly afterwards, Germany surrendered and the Nazi regime was [[denazification|systematically dismantled]] by the occupying Allied powers. An International Military Tribunal was subsequently convened in [[Nuremberg#Nazi era|Nuremberg]]. Beginning in November 1945 and lasting through 1949, numerous Nazi political, military and economic leaders were [[Nuremberg trials|tried and convicted]] of [[war crime]]s, with many of the worst offenders being sentenced to death and executed.

=== Post-World War II (1945–2008) ===
{{main|Neo-fascism}}
[[File:Juan Peron con banda de presidente.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Juan Perón]], [[President of Argentina]] from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, admired [[Italian Fascism]] and modelled his economic policies on those pursued by Fascist Italy.]]
The victory of the Allies over the Axis powers in [[World War II]] led to the collapse of many fascist regimes in Europe. The [[Nuremberg Trials]] convicted several Nazi leaders of crimes against humanity involving the Holocaust. However, there remained several movements and governments that were ideologically related to fascism.

[[Francisco Franco]]'s [[Falangist]] one-party state in Spain was officially neutral during World War II and it survived the collapse of the Axis Powers. Franco's rise to power had been directly assisted by the militaries of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during the [[Spanish Civil War]] and Franco had [[Blue Division|sent volunteers]] to fight on the side of Nazi Germany against the Soviet Union during World War II. The first years were characterized by a repression against the anti-fascist ideologies, deep censorship and the suppression of democratic institutions (elected Parliament, [[Spanish Constitution of 1931]], Regional Statutes of Autonomy). After World War II and a period of international isolation, Franco's regime normalized relations with the Western powers during the Cold War, until Franco's death in 1975 and the transformation of Spain into a liberal democracy.

[[File:Giorgio Almirante crop.jpg|thumb|left|upright|[[Giorgio Almirante]], leader of the [[Italian Social Movement]] from 1969 to 1987]]
Historian Robert Paxton observes that one of the main problems in defining fascism is that it was widely mimicked. Paxton says: "In fascism's heyday, in the 1930s, many regimes that were not functionally fascist borrowed elements of fascist decor in order to lend themselves an aura of force, vitality, and mass mobilization." He goes on to observe that [[António de Oliveira Salazar|Salazar]] "crushed Portuguese fascism after he had copied some of its techniques of popular mobilization."{{sfnp|Paxton|1998|pp=3, 17}} Paxton says: "Where Franco subjected Spain's fascist party to his personal control, Salazar abolished outright in July 1934 the nearest thing Portugal had to an authentic fascist movement, Rolão Preto's blue-shirted National Syndicalists. ... Salazar preferred to control his population through such 'organic' institutions traditionally powerful in Portugal as the Church. Salazar's regime was not only non-fascist, but 'voluntarily non-totalitarian,' preferring to let those of its citizens who kept out of politics 'live by habit.{{'"}}{{sfnp|Paxton|2004|p=150}} However, historians tend to view the [[Estado Novo (Portugal)|Estado Novo]] as [[para-fascist]] in nature,{{sfnp|Davies|Lynch|2002|p=[https://archive.org/details/routledgecompani00davi/page/237 237]}} possessing minimal fascist tendencies.{{sfnp|Passmore|2002|p=76}} Other historians, including [[Fernando Rosas]] and Manuel Villaverde Cabral, think that the Estado Novo should be considered fascist.{{sfnp|Rosas|2019}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}

In Argentina, [[Peronism]], associated with the regime of [[Juan Perón]] from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was influenced by fascism.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=512}} Between 1939 and 1941, prior to his rise to power, Perón had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian fascist policies.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=512}} However, not all historians agree with this identification,<ref>{{cite book |last=Page |first=Joseph A. |date=2014 |title=Perón: A biography |publisher=[[Penguin Random House|Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial Argentina]] |isbn=9789500748247 |page=10 and ss}}</ref> which they consider debatable<ref>{{citation |last=Romero |first=Ricardo |date=2015 |title=Perón, Reformism and Nazi fascism during the Second War World |publisher=Department of Social Sciences, [[National College of Buenos Aires]], UBA |page=14 |quote=Although it is incorrect to define Peronism as Nazism, and it is debatable to conceptualize it as fascism, the truth is that in the University the Catholic sectors that received the support of the General did much to make the students consider as fascist to Perón.}}</ref> or even false,<ref>{{cite book |last=Galasso |first=Norberto |date=2003 |chapter=Peronismo y Liberación Nacional |trans-chapter=Peronism and National Liberation |title=Apuntes para otra historia |trans-title=Notes for another story |issn=1667-1635 |pages=2–3 |language=es}}</ref> biased by a pejorative political position.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Cucchetti |first=Humberto |date=2012 |url=https://gredos.usal.es/handle/10366/129373 |title=Readings and interpretations on the origins of Peronism: national-populism or fascist adaptation? |journal=Studia Historica. Contemporary History |volume=30 |issn=0213-2087 |publisher=[[Universidad de Salamanca]] |pages=151–171}}</ref> Other authors, such as the Israeli [[Raanan Rein]], categorically maintain that Perón was not a fascist and that this characterization was imposed on him because of his defiant stance against US hegemony.<ref>{{cite book |last=Rein |first=Raanan |date=2015 |title=Los muchachos judíos peronistas: Judeosargentinos y apoyo al Justicialismo |trans-title=The Peronist Jewish Boys: Judeo-sergeants and support for Justicialism |language=es |publisher=[[Penguin Random House|Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial Argentina]] |isbn=9789500753982}}</ref>

The term neo-fascism refers to fascist movements after World War II. In Italy, the [[Italian Social Movement]] led by [[Giorgio Almirante]] was a major neo-fascist movement that transformed itself into a self-described "post-fascist" movement called the [[National Alliance (Italy)|National Alliance]] (AN), which has been an ally of [[Silvio Berlusconi]]'s [[Forza Italia]] for a decade. In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new party [[The People of Freedom]], but in 2012 a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom, refounding the party with the name [[Brothers of Italy]]. In Germany, various neo-Nazi movements have been formed and banned in accordance with Germany's constitutional law which forbids Nazism. The [[National Democratic Party of Germany]] (NPD) is widely considered a neo-Nazi party, although the party does not publicly identify itself as such.

=== Contemporary fascism (2008–present) ===
{{See also|Alt-right|Radical right (United States)|Fascism in the United States}}

==== Greece ====
{{Main article|Golden Dawn (Greece)|l1 = Golden Dawn}}
[[File:Golden Dawn demonstration 1.jpg|thumb|Golden Dawn demonstration in Greece in 2012]]
After the onset of the [[Great Recession]] and economic crisis in Greece, a movement known as the [[Golden Dawn (Greece)|Golden Dawn]], widely considered a neo-Nazi party, soared in support out of obscurity and won seats in Greece's parliament, espousing a staunch hostility towards minorities, illegal immigrants and refugees. In 2013, after the murder of an anti-fascist musician by a person with links to Golden Dawn, the Greek government ordered the arrest of Golden Dawn's leader [[Nikolaos Michaloliakos]] and other members on charges related to being associated with a criminal organization.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-24314319 |title=Greece's Golden Dawn leader Michaloliakos held in crackdown |publisher=[[BBC News]] |date=28 September 2013 |access-date=28 September 2013 |archive-date=28 September 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130928063556/http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-24314319 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.eek.gr/index.php/englishtext/79-articles/englishtext/1972-the-arrest-of-the-nazi-gangsters-of-golden-dawn-in-Greece |title=The Arrest of the Nazi Gangsters of Golden Dawn in Greece |first=Savvas |last=Michael |publisher=[[Workers Revolutionary Party (Greece)|EEK]] |date=30 September 2013 |access-date=9 June 2020 |archive-date=13 June 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200613061925/http://www.eek.gr/index.php/englishtext/79-articles/englishtext/1972-the-arrest-of-the-nazi-gangsters-of-golden-dawn-in-Greece |url-status=live}}</ref> On 7 October 2020, Athens Appeals Court announced verdicts for 68 defendants, including the party's political leadership. Nikolaos Michaloliakos and six other prominent members and former MPs were found guilty of running a criminal organization.<ref name="TheConversation">{{cite web|last=Samaras |first=Georgios |title=The end of Golden Dawn: has Greece shown us how to deal with neo-Nazis? |url=http://theconversation.com/the-end-of-golden-dawn-has-greece-shown-us-how-to-deal-with-neo-nazis-150239 |access-date=27 January 2021 |website=[[The Conversation (website)|The Conversation]] |date=26 November 2020 |language=en |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201202120220/https://theconversation.com/the-end-of-golden-dawn-has-greece-shown-us-how-to-deal-with-neo-nazis-150239 |archive-date=2 December 2020 |url-status=live}}</ref> Guilty verdicts on charges of murder, attempted murder, and violent attacks on immigrants and left-wing political opponents were delivered.<ref>{{cite news |title=Greece Golden Dawn: Neo-Nazi leaders guilty of running crime gang |publisher=[[BBC News]] |date=7 October 2020 |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-54433396 |access-date=7 October 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201010211224/https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-54433396 |archive-date=10 October 2020 |url-status=live}}</ref>

==== Post-Soviet Russia ====
{{Main article|Rashism|Putinism}}

[[Marlene Laruelle]], a French political scientist, contends in ''Is Russia Fascist?'' that the accusation of "fascist" has evolved into a strategic narrative of the existing world order. Geopolitical rivals might construct their own view of the world and assert the moral high ground by branding ideological rivals as fascists, regardless of their real ideals or deeds. Laruelle discusses the basis, significance, and veracity of accusations of fascism in and around Russia through an analysis of the domestic situation in Russia and the Kremlin's foreign policy justifications; she concludes that Russian efforts to brand its opponents as fascist is ultimately an attempt to determine the future of Russia in Europe as an antifascist force, influenced by its role in fighting fascism in World War II.<ref name="jstor">{{cite book |last=Laruelle |first=Marlene. |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctv16t673d |title=Is Russia Fascist?: Unravelling Propaganda East and West |publisher=[[Cornell University Press]] |date=2021 |via=[[JSTOR]] |access-date=15 January 2023 |jstor=10.7591/j.ctv16t673d |isbn=9781501754135}}</ref>

According to [[Alexander J. Motyl]], an American historian and political scientist, Russian fascism has the following characteristics:<ref>{{cite journal |last=Motyl |first=Alexander J. |author-link=Alexander J. Motyl |date=March 2016 |title=Putin's Russia as a fascist political system |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/48610431 |journal=Communist and Post-Communist Studies |volume=49 |issue=1 |pages=25–36 |doi=10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.01.002 |jstor=48610431}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last=Motyl |first=Alexander J. |author-link=Alexander J. Motyl |date=30 March 2022 |title=Yes, Putin and Russia are fascist. How they meet the textbook definition |url=https://theconversation.com/yes-putin-and-russia-are-fascist-a-political-scientist-shows-how-they-meet-the-textbook-definition-179063 |website=[[The Conversation (website)|The Conversation]]}}</ref>

* An [[Dictatorship|undemocratic political system]], different from both traditional authoritarianism and totalitarianism;
* Statism and hypernationalism;
* A hypermasculine [[Cult of personality|cult of the supreme leader]] (emphasis on his courage, militancy and physical prowess);
* General popular support for the regime and its leader.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/systemic-transformations-and-the-drift-toward-fascism-russia |title=Systemic Transformations and the Drift Toward Fascism in Russia |publisher=[[Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars|Wilson Center]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230902165844/https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/systemic-transformations-and-the-drift-toward-fascism-russia |archive-date=2 September 2023}}</ref>

Yale historian [[Timothy Snyder]] has stated that "Putin's regime is [...] the world center of fascism" and has written an article entitled ''"We Should Say It: Russia Is Fascist."''<ref name="Laruelle 2022">{{cite journal |title=So, Is Russia Fascist Now? Labels and Policy Implications |first=Marlene |last=Laruelle |date=2022 |journal=[[The Washington Quarterly]] |volume=45 |number=2 |pages=149–168 |doi=10.1080/0163660X.2022.2090760 |s2cid=250566287 |url=https://cpb-us-e1.wpmucdn.com/blogs.gwu.edu/dist/1/2181/files/2022/07/Laruelle_45-2_TWQ-1.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220720185045/https://cpb-us-e1.wpmucdn.com/blogs.gwu.edu/dist/1/2181/files/2022/07/Laruelle_45-2_TWQ-1.pdf |archive-date=20 July 2022 |url-status=live}}</ref> Oxford historian [[Roger Griffin]] compared Putin's Russia to the World War II-era [[Empire of Japan]], saying that like Putin's Russia, it "emulated fascism in many ways, but was not fascist."<ref name="rferl-russia"/> Historian [[Stanley G. Payne]] says Putin's Russia "is not equivalent to the fascist regimes of World War II, but it forms the nearest analogue to fascism found in a major country since that time" and argues that Putin's political system is "more a revival of the creed of Tsar [[Nicholas I of Russia|Nicholas I]] in the 19th century that emphasized 'Orthodoxy, autocracy, and nationality' than one resembling the revolutionary, modernizing regimes of Hitler and Mussolini."<ref name="rferl-russia"/> According to Griffin, fascism is "a revolutionary form of nationalism" seeking to destroy the old system and remake society, and that Putin is a reactionary politician who is not trying to create a new order "but to recreate a modified version of the Soviet Union". German political scientist [[Andreas Umland]] said genuine fascists in Russia, like deceased politician [[Vladimir Zhirinovsky]] and activist and self-styled philosopher [[Aleksandr Dugin]], "describe in their writings a completely new Russia" controlling parts of the world that were never under tsarist or Soviet domination.<ref name="rferl-russia">{{cite news |title=Nasty, Repressive, Aggressive – Yes. But Is Russia Fascist? Experts Say 'No.' |url=https://www.rferl.org/a/russia-repressive-aggressive-not-fascist/31794918.html |access-date=7 May 2022 |first=Robert |last=Coalson |publisher=[[Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty]] |date=9 April 2022 |language=en |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230723061728/https://www.rferl.org/a/russia-repressive-aggressive-not-fascist/31794918.html |archive-date=23 July 2023}}</ref> According to [[Marlene Laurelle]] writing in ''[[The Washington Quarterly]]'', "applying the "fascism" label ... to the entirety of the Russian state or society short-circuits our ability to construct a more complex and differentiated picture."<ref name="Laruelle 2022"/>

[[Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty]], collecting the opinions of experts on fascism, said that while Russia is repressive and authoritarian, it cannot be classified as a fascist state for various reasons, including Russia's government being more reactionary than revolutionary.<ref name="rferl-russia"/>

In 2023, [[Oleg Orlov]], the chairman of the Board of Human Rights Center “[[Memorial (society)|Memorial]]”, claimed that Russia under Putin had descended into fascism and that the army is [[Russian invasion of Ukraine|committing]] "mass murder".<ref>{{cite web |last1=Papachristou |first1=Lucy |title=Rights campaigner calls Russia 'fascist' in court |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/russian-prosecutor-seeks-nearly-3-years-jail-rights-campaigner-orlov-2024-02-26/ |date=26 February 2024 |website=[[Reuters]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Ebel |first1=Francesca |title=Russian activist from Nobel-winning organization gets prison term |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/02/27/russia-orlov-memorial-prison-fascist/ |website=[[Washington Post]] |date=27 February 2024}}</ref>

== Tenets ==
[[Robert O. Paxton]] finds that even though fascism "maintained the existing regime of property and social hierarchy", it cannot be considered "simply a more muscular form of conservatism" because "fascism in power did carry out some changes profound enough to be called 'revolutionary.{{'"}}{{sfnp|Paxton|2004|p=11}} These transformations "often set fascists into conflict with conservatives rooted in families, churches, social rank, and property." Paxton argues that "fascism redrew the frontiers between private and public, sharply diminishing what had once been untouchably private. It changed the practice of citizenship from the enjoyment of constitutional rights and duties to participation in mass ceremonies of affirmation and conformity. It reconfigured relations between the individual and the collectivity, so that an individual had no rights outside community interest. It expanded the powers of the executive—party and state—in a bid for total control. Finally, it unleashed aggressive emotions hitherto known in Europe only during war or social revolution."{{sfnp|Paxton|2004|p=11}}

=== Nationalism with or without expansionism ===
{{Nationalism sidebar|Types}}
Ultranationalism, combined with the myth of national rebirth, is a key foundation of fascism.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006b|pp=451–453|loc="Nationalism"}} Robert Paxton argues that "a passionate nationalism" is the basis of fascism, combined with "a conspiratorial and Manichean view of history" which holds that "the chosen people have been weakened by political parties, social classes, unassimilable minorities, spoiled rentiers, and rationalist thinkers."{{sfnp|Paxton|2004|p=41}} Roger Griffin identifies the core of fascism as being [[palingenetic ultranationalism]].{{sfnp|Griffin|1991|p=26}}

The fascist view of a nation is of a single organic entity that binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.{{sfnp|Zimmer|2003|pp=80–107|loc=ch. 4}} Fascism seeks to solve economic, political and social problems by achieving a [[Millenarianism|millenarian]] national rebirth, exalting the nation or [[race (biology)|race]] above all else and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.{{sfnp|Paxton|2004}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}{{sfnp|Passmore|2002}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}{{sfnp|Griffin|1991}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}{{sfnp|Laqueur|1997|p=223}}{{sfnp|Encyclopedia Britannica ''Fascism''}} European fascist movements typically espouse a racist conception of non-Europeans being inferior to Europeans.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=11}} Beyond this, fascists in Europe have not held a unified set of racial views.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=11}} Historically, most fascists promoted imperialism, although there have been several fascist movements that were uninterested in the pursuit of new imperial ambitions.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|p=11}} For example, Nazism and Italian Fascism were [[expansionist]] and [[irredentist]]. Falangism in Spain envisioned the worldwide unification of Spanish-speaking peoples ({{lang|es|[[Hispanidad]]}}). [[British Fascism]] was [[non-interventionist]], though it did embrace the British Empire.

=== Totalitarianism ===
Fascism promotes the establishment of a [[totalitarian]] state.{{sfnp|Griffin|2013|pp=1–6}}<!-- Page numbers may be for 2005 edition --> It opposes liberal democracy, rejects multi-party systems, and may support a [[one-party state]] so that it may synthesize with the nation.{{sfnp|Mussolini|2002|p=40}} Mussolini's ''The Doctrine of Fascism'' (1932), partly [[ghostwriter|ghostwritten]] by philosopher [[Giovanni Gentile]],{{sfnp|Lyttelton|1973|p=13|ps=: "The first half of the article was the work of Giovanni Gentile; only the second half was Mussolini's own work, though the whole article appeared under his name."}} who Mussolini described as "the philosopher of Fascism", states: "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State—a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values—interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."{{sfnp|Mussolini|1935|p=14}} In ''The Legal Basis of the Total State'', Nazi political theorist [[Carl Schmitt]] described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disastrous pluralism tearing the German people apart."{{sfnp|Schmitt|1995|p=72}}

Fascist states pursued policies of social [[indoctrination]] through [[propaganda]] in education and the media, and regulation of the production of educational and media materials.{{sfnmp|Pauley|2003|1p=117|Payne|1995|2p=220}} Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement and to teach students to be obedient to the state.{{sfnp|Pauley|2003|pp=117–119}}

=== Economy ===
{{main|Economics of fascism}}
Fascism presented itself as an alternative to both international [[socialism]] and [[free-market capitalism]].{{sfnp|Bastow|Martin|2003|p=36}} While fascism opposed mainstream socialism, fascists sometimes regarded their movement as a type of nationalist "socialism" to highlight their commitment to [[nationalism]], describing it as national [[solidarity]] and unity.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.historyguide.org/europe/duce.html |title=Benito Mussolini, Doctrine of Fascism (1932). |access-date=28 July 2016 |archive-date=31 July 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160731235010/http://www.historyguide.org/europe/duce.html |url-status=live}}</ref>{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=610}} Fascists opposed international free market capitalism, but supported a type of productive capitalism.{{sfnp|Held|1980}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}{{sfnp|Spektorowski|Ireni-Saban|2013}}{{page needed|date=November 2021}} Economic self-sufficiency, known as autarky, was a major goal of most fascist governments.{{sfnp|De Grand|1995|pp=60–61}}

Fascist governments advocated for the resolution of domestic [[class conflict]] within a nation in order to guarantee national unity.{{sfnp|Griffin|1991|pp=222–223}} This would be done through the state mediating relations between the classes (contrary to the views of [[Classical liberalism|classical liberal]]-inspired capitalists).{{sfnp|Hoover|1935|pp=13–20}} While fascism was opposed to domestic class conflict, it was held that bourgeois-proletarian conflict existed primarily in national conflict between [[proletarian nation]]s versus [[bourgeois nation]]s.{{sfnp|Neocleous|1997|pp=21–22}} Fascism condemned what it viewed as widespread character traits that it associated as the typical bourgeois mentality that it opposed, such as: materialism, crassness, cowardice, and the inability to comprehend the heroic ideal of the fascist "warrior"; and associations with liberalism, individualism and parliamentarianism.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=102}} In 1918, Mussolini defined what he viewed as the proletarian character, defining proletarian as being one and the same with producers, a [[Productivism|productivist]] perspective that associated all people deemed productive, including entrepreneurs, technicians, workers and soldiers as being proletarian. He acknowledged the historical existence of both bourgeois and proletarian producers but declared the need for bourgeois producers to merge with proletarian producers.{{cn|date=January 2023}}
[[File:VW Typ 83 vr.jpg|thumb|The need for a ''people's car'' (''[[Volkswagen]]'' in German), its concept and its functional objectives were formulated by [[Adolf Hitler]].]]
Because [[productivism]] was key to creating a strong nationalist state, it criticized internationalist and Marxist socialism, advocating instead to represent a type of nationalist productivist socialism. Nevertheless, while condemning parasitical capitalism, was willing to accommodate productivist capitalism within it so long as it supported the nationalist objective.{{sfnp|Spektorowski|Ireni-Saban|2013|p=33}} The role of productivism was derived from [[Henri de Saint Simon]], whose ideas inspired the creation of [[utopian socialism]] and influenced other ideologies, that stressed solidarity rather than class war and whose conception of productive people in the economy included both productive workers and productive bosses to challenge the influence of the aristocracy and unproductive financial speculators.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=535}} Saint Simon's vision combined the traditionalist right-wing criticisms of the French Revolution with a left-wing belief in the need for association or collaboration of productive people in society.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=535}} Whereas Marxism condemned capitalism as a system of exploitative property relations, fascism saw the nature of the control of credit and money in the contemporary capitalist system as abusive.{{sfnp|Spektorowski|Ireni-Saban|2013|p=33}} Unlike Marxism, fascism did not see class conflict between the Marxist-defined proletariat and the bourgeoisie as a given or as an engine of historical materialism.{{sfnp|Spektorowski|Ireni-Saban|2013|p=33}} Instead, it viewed workers and productive capitalists in common as productive people who were in conflict with parasitic elements in society including: corrupt political parties, corrupt financial capital and feeble people.{{sfnp|Spektorowski|Ireni-Saban|2013|p=33}} Fascist leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler spoke of the need to create a new managerial elite led by engineers and captains of industry—but free from the parasitic leadership of industries.{{sfnp|Spektorowski|Ireni-Saban|2013|p=33}} Hitler stated that the Nazi Party supported {{lang|de|bodenständigen Kapitalismus}} ("productive capitalism") that was based upon profit earned from one's own labour, but condemned unproductive capitalism or loan capitalism, which derived profit from speculation.{{sfnp|Friedman|2011|p=24}}

Fascist economics supported a state-controlled economy that accepted a mix of [[private ownership|private]] and [[public ownership]] over the [[means of production]].{{sfnp|Millward|2007|p=178}} [[Economic planning]] was applied to both the public and private sector and the prosperity of private enterprise depended on its acceptance of synchronizing itself with the economic goals of the state.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=189}} Fascist economic ideology supported the [[profit motive]], but emphasized that industries must uphold the national interest as superior to private profit.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=189}}

While fascism accepted the importance of material wealth and power, it condemned materialism which identified as being present in both communism and [[capitalism]] and criticized materialism for lacking acknowledgement of the role of the [[Vitalism|spirit]].{{sfnp|Davies|Lynch|2002|p=103}} In particular, fascists criticized capitalism, not because of its competitive nature nor support of private property, which fascists supported—but due to its materialism, individualism, alleged bourgeois decadence and alleged indifference to the nation.{{sfnp|Paxton|2005|p=10}} Fascism denounced Marxism for its advocacy of materialist internationalist class identity, which fascists regarded as an attack upon the emotional and spiritual bonds of the nation and a threat to the achievement of genuine national solidarity.{{sfnp|Breuilly|1994|p=290}}

In discussing the spread of fascism beyond Italy, historian Philip Morgan states: "Since the Depression was a crisis of laissez-faire capitalism and its political counterpart, parliamentary democracy, fascism could pose as the 'third-way' alternative between capitalism and Bolshevism, the model of a new European 'civilization.' As Mussolini typically put it in early 1934, 'from 1929 ... fascism has become a universal phenomenon ... The dominant forces of the 19th century, democracy, socialism, [and] liberalism have been exhausted ... the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fascist' (Mussolini 1935: 32)."{{sfnp|Morgan|2003}}{{page needed|date=October 2021}}

Fascists criticized egalitarianism as preserving the weak, and they instead promoted social Darwinist views and policies.{{sfnp|Griffin|Feldman|2004|p=353|ps=: "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-[[bolshevism]] and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction ... ."}}{{sfnp|Hawkins|1997|p=285|ps=: "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest and less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.}} They were in principle opposed to the idea of [[social welfare]], arguing that it "encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and the feeble."{{sfnp|Evans|2005|pp=483–484}} The Nazi Party condemned the welfare system of the Weimar Republic, as well as private charity and philanthropy, for supporting people whom they regarded as racially inferior and weak, and who should have been weeded out in the process of natural selection.{{sfnp|Evans|2005|p=484}} Nevertheless, faced with the mass unemployment and poverty of the Great Depression, the Nazis found it necessary to set up charitable institutions to help racially-pure Germans in order to maintain popular support, while arguing that this represented "racial self-help" and not indiscriminate charity or universal social welfare.{{sfnp|Evans|2005|pp=484–485}} Thus, Nazi programs such as the [[Winterhilfswerk|Winter Relief of the German People]] and the broader [[Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt|National Socialist People's Welfare]] (NSV) were organized as quasi-private institutions, officially relying on private donations from Germans to help others of their race—although in practice those who refused to donate could face severe consequences.{{sfnp|Evans|2005|pp=486–487}} Unlike the social welfare institutions of the Weimar Republic and the Christian charities, the NSV distributed assistance on explicitly racial grounds. It provided support only to those who were "racially sound, capable of and willing to work, politically reliable, and willing and able to reproduce." Non-Aryans were excluded, as well as the "work-shy", "asocials" and the "hereditarily ill".{{sfnp|Evans|2005|p=489}} Under these conditions, by 1939, over 17 million Germans had obtained assistance from the NSV, and the agency "projected a powerful image of caring and support" for "those who were judged to have got into difficulties through no fault of their own."{{sfnp|Evans|2005|p=489}} Yet the organization was "feared and disliked among society's poorest" because it resorted to intrusive questioning and monitoring to judge who was worthy of support.{{sfnp|Evans|2005|pp=489–490}}

=== Direct action ===
Fascism emphasizes [[direct action]], including supporting the legitimacy of political violence, as a core part of its politics.{{sfnmp|Payne|1995|1p=106|Breuilly|1994|2p=294}} Fascism views violent action as a necessity in politics that fascism identifies as being an "endless struggle";{{sfnp|Woodley|2010|p=106}} this emphasis on the use of political violence means that most fascist parties have also created their own private [[militias]] (e.g. the Nazi Party's [[Brown shirts]] and Fascist Italy's [[Milizia Volontaria per la Sicurezza Nazionale|Blackshirts]]).

The basis of fascism's support of violent action in politics is connected to social Darwinism.{{sfnp|Woodley|2010|p=106}} Fascist movements have commonly held social Darwinist views of nations, races and societies.{{sfnp|Payne|1995|pp=485–486}} They say that nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or [[Social degeneration|degenerate]] people, while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people, in order to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict.{{sfnp|Griffin|1995|p=59}}

=== Age and gender roles ===
[[File:Piccole Italiane.jpg|thumb|Members of the {{lang|it|Piccole Italiane}}, an organization for girls within the National Fascist Party in Italy]]
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 102-04517A, Potsdam, Mädchen in der Führerinnenschule.jpg|thumb|Members of the [[League of German Girls]], an organization for girls within the Nazi Party in Germany]]
Fascism emphasizes [[youth]] both in a physical sense of age and in a spiritual sense as related to virility and commitment to action.{{sfnp|Antliff|2007|p=171}} The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called ''[[Giovinezza]]'' ("The Youth").{{sfnp|Antliff|2007|p=171}} Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people who will affect society.{{sfnp|Quine|1996|p=47}} [[Walter Laqueur]] argues that "[t]he corollaries of the cult of war and physical danger were the cult of brutality, strength, and sexuality ... [fascism is] a true counter-civilization: rejecting the sophisticated rationalist humanism of Old Europe, fascism sets up as its ideal the primitive instincts and primal emotions of the barbarian."{{sfnp|Laqueur|1978|p=341}}

Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding [[Human sexuality|sexuality]].{{sfnp|Quine|1996|pp=46–47}} Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour.{{sfnp|Quine|1996|pp=46–47}} It condemned [[pornography]], most forms of [[birth control]] and contraceptive devices (with the exception of the [[condom]]), [[homosexuality]] and [[prostitution]] as deviant sexual behaviour, although enforcement of laws opposed to such practices was erratic and authorities often turned a blind eye.{{sfnp|Quine|1996|pp=46–47}} Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before [[puberty]] as the cause of criminality amongst male youth, declared homosexuality a social disease and pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.{{sfnp|Quine|1996|pp=46–47}}

Mussolini perceived women's primary role as primarily child bearers, while that of men as warriors, once saying: "War is to man what maternity is to the woman."{{sfnp|Bollas|1993|p=205}} In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies intended to reduce the number of women employed.{{sfnp|McDonald|1999|p=27}} Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.{{sfnp|Mann|2004|p=101}} In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing"; Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force."{{sfnp|Durham|1998|p=15}}

The German Nazi government strongly encouraged women to stay at home to bear children and keep house.{{sfnp|Evans|2005|pp=331–332}} This policy was reinforced by bestowing the [[Cross of Honor of the German Mother]] on women bearing four or more children. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Heineman |first=Elizabeth D. |date=2002 |title=Sexuality and Nazism: The Doubly Unspeakable? |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/3704551 |journal=Journal of the History of Sexuality |volume=11 |issue=1/2 |pages=22–66 |doi=10.1353/sex.2002.0006 |jstor=3704551 |s2cid=142085835 |issn=1043-4070}}</ref>

The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy pure German, [[Aryan race|Aryan]] fetuses remained strictly forbidden.{{sfnp|Friedlander|1995|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=gqLDEKVk2nMC 30]}} For non-Aryans, abortion was often compulsory. Their [[eugenics]] program also stemmed from the "progressive biomedical model" of [[Weimar Germany]].{{sfnp|McLaren|1999|p=139}} In 1935, Nazi Germany expanded the legality of [[history of abortion|abortion]] by amending [[Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring|its eugenics law]], to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.{{sfnp|Friedlander|1995|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=gqLDEKVk2nMC 30]}} The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission and the fetus was not yet viable{{sfnp|Proctor|1989|p=366|ps=: "This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced."}}{{sfnp|Arnot|Usborne|1999|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=q1BFiRa3KHkC 241]}} and for purposes of so-called [[racial hygiene]].{{sfnp|Proctor|1989|pp=122–123|ps=: "Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene. ... the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior. ... On 10 November 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews."}}{{sfnp|Tierney|1999|p=[https://books.google.com/books?id=gQLqRd7hJq0C 589]|ps=: "In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not."}}

The Nazis said that homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted and undermined masculinity because it did not produce children.{{sfnp|Evans|2005|p=529}} They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern [[scientism]] and the study of [[sexology]], which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.{{citation needed|date=November 2021}} Open homosexuals were interned in Nazi concentration camps.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?ModuleId=10005261 |title=Persecution of Homosexuals in the Third Reich |author=[[United States Holocaust Memorial Museum]] |publisher=Ushmm.org |access-date=4 June 2010 |archive-date=6 October 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081006104442/http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?ModuleId=10005261 |url-status=live}}</ref>

=== Palingenesis and modernism ===
Fascism emphasizes both palingenesis (national rebirth or re-creation) and [[modernism]].{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=168}} In particular, fascism's nationalism [[palingenetic ultranationalism|has been identified as having a palingenetic character]].{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=451–453}} Fascism promotes the regeneration of the nation and purging it of decadence.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|p=168}} Fascism accepts forms of modernism that it deems promotes national regeneration while rejecting forms of modernism that are regarded as antithetical to national regeneration.{{sfnp|Blamires|2006|pp=168–169}} Fascism aestheticized modern technology and its association with speed, power and violence.{{sfnp|Neocleous|1997|p=63}} Fascism admired advances in the economy in the early 20th century, particularly [[Fordism]] and [[scientific management]].{{sfnp|Neocleous|1997|p=65}} Fascist modernism has been recognized as inspired or developed by various figures—such as [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]], [[Ernst Jünger]], [[Gottfried Benn]], [[Louis-Ferdinand Céline]], [[Knut Hamsun]], [[Ezra Pound]] and [[Wyndham Lewis]].{{sfnp|Welge|2007|p=547}}

In Italy, such modernist influence was exemplified by Marinetti who advocated a palingenetic modernist society that condemned liberal-bourgeois values of tradition and psychology, while promoting a technological-martial religion of national renewal that emphasized militant nationalism.{{sfnp|Welge|2007|p=550}} In Germany, it was exemplified by Jünger who was influenced by his observation of the technological warfare during World War I and claimed that a new social class had been created that he described as the "warrior-worker";{{sfnp|Welge|2007|p=553}} Like Marinetti, Jünger emphasized the revolutionary capacities of technology. He emphasized an "organic construction" between human and machine as a liberating and regenerative force that challenged liberal democracy, conceptions of individual autonomy, bourgeois nihilism and decadence.{{sfnp|Welge|2007|p=553}} He conceived of a society based on a totalitarian concept of "total mobilization" of such disciplined warrior-workers.{{sfnp|Welge|2007|p=553}}

== Culture ==
=== Aesthetics ===
[[File:Filippo Tommaso Marinetti.jpg|thumb|[[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]] (1876–1944)]]
In ''[[The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction]]'' (1935), [[Walter Benjamin]] identifies [[aestheticization of politics]] as a key ingredient in fascist regimes.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Jay|first=Martin|year=1992|title="The Aesthetic Ideology" as Ideology; Or, What Does It Mean to Aestheticize Politics?|journal=Cultural Critique|publisher=University of Minnesota Press|issue=21|pages=41–61|doi=10.2307/1354116|jstor=1354116}}</ref> On this point he quotes [[Filippo Tommaso Marinetti]], founder of the [[Futurism (art)|Futurist]] art movement and co-author of the [[Fascist Manifesto]] (1919), who [[Violence in art|aestheticizes war]] in his writings and claims that "war is beautiful."<ref>{{Cite book |last=Benjamin |first=Walter |title=The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction |date=2008 |orig-year=1935 |publisher=[[Penguin Books]] |isbn=978-0-14-103619-9 |location=London |pages=36–37}}</ref>

In ''[[Simulacra and Simulation]]'' (1981), [[Jean Baudrillard]] interprets fascism as a "political aesthetic of death" and a vehement [[countermovement]] against the increasing rationalism, secularism, and pacifism of the modern Western world.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Baudrillard |first=Jean |author-link=Jean Baudrillard |title=Simulacra and Simulation |date=1994 |origyear=1981 |publisher=[[University of Michigan Press]] |isbn=978-0-472-06521-9 |location=Ann Arbor |quote=Fascism itself, the mystery of its appearance and of its collective energy, […] can already be interpreted as the 'irrational' excess of mythic and political referentials, the mad intensification of collective value (blood, race, people, etc.), the reinjection of death, of a 'political aesthetic of death' at a time when the process of the disenchantment of value and of collective values, of the rational secularization and unidimensionalization of all life, of the operationalization of all social and individual life already makes itself strongly felt in the West. Yet again, everything seems to escape this catastrophe of value, this neutralization and pacification of life. Fascism is a resistance to this, even if it is a profound, irrational, demented resistance, it would not have tapped into this massive energy if it hadn't been a resistance to something much worse. Fascism's cruelty, its terror is on the level of ''this other terror that is the confusion of the real and the rational,'' which deepened in the West, and it is a response to that.}}</ref>

The standard definition of fascism, given by [[Stanley G. Payne]], focuses on three concepts, one of which is a "fascist style" with an aesthetic structure of meetings, symbols, and political liturgy, stressing emotional and mystical aspects.{{sfnp|Payne|1980|p=7}}

[[Emilio Gentile]] argues that fascism expresses itself aesthetically more than theoretically by means of a new political style with myths, rites, and symbols as a lay religion designed to acculturate, socialize, and integrate the faith of the masses with the goal of creating a "[[New Man (utopian concept)#Fascism|new man]]".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Payne |first1=Stanley G. |author1-link=Stanley G. Payne |year=1996 |title=A History of Fascism, 1914–1945 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=x_MeR06xqXAC |location=Madison, WI |publisher=[[University of Wisconsin Press]] |isbn=9780299148737 |via=[[Google Books]] |pages=5–6}}</ref>

Cultural critic [[Susan Sontag]] writes:

{{blockquote|Fascist aesthetics […] flow from (and justify) a preoccupation with situations of control, submissive behavior, extravagant effort, and the endurance of pain; they endorse two seemingly opposite states, egomania and servitude. The relations of domination and enslavement take the form of a characteristic pageantry: the massing of groups of people; the turning of people into things; the multiplication or replication of things; and the grouping of people/things around an all-powerful, hypnotic leader-figure or force. The fascist dramaturgy centers on the orgiastic transactions between mighty forces and their puppets, uniformly garbed and shown in ever swelling numbers. Its choreography alternates between ceaseless motion and a congealed, static, 'virile' posing. Fascist art glorifies surrender, it exalts mindlessness, it glamorizes death.{{sfnp|Sontag|1975}}}}

Sontag also enumerates some commonalities between fascist art and the official art of communist countries, such as the obeisance of the masses to the hero, and a preference for the monumental and the "grandiose and rigid" choreography of mass bodies. But whereas official communist art "aims to expound and reinforce a utopian morality", the art of fascist countries such as Nazi Germany "displays a utopian aesthetics – that of physical perfection", in a way that is "both prurient and idealizing".{{sfnp|Sontag|1975}}

According to Sontag, fascist aesthetics "is based on the containment of vital forces; movements are confined, held tight, held in." Its appeal is not necessarily limited to those who share the fascist political ideology because fascism "stands for an ideal or rather ideals that are persistent today under the other banners: the ideal of life as art, the cult of beauty, the fetishism of courage, the dissolution of alienation in ecstatic feelings of community; the repudiation of the intellect; the family of man (under the parenthood of leaders)."{{sfnp|Sontag|1975}}

=== Popular culture ===
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-S34639, Joseph Goebbels und Leni Riefenstahl crop.jpg|thumb|upright|Joseph Goebbels with film director [[Leni Riefenstahl]] in 1937]]
{{Further|Art in Nazi Germany|Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda}}

In Italy, the Mussolini regime created the {{lang|it|Direzione Generale per la Cinematografi}} to encourage film studios to glorify fascism. Italian cinema flourished because the regime stopped the import of Hollywood films in 1938, subsidized domestic production, and kept ticket prices low. It encouraged international distribution to glorify its African empire and to belie the charge that Italy was backward.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Ruth |last=Ben-Ghiat |title=The Imperial Moment in Fascist Cinema |journal=[[Journal of Modern European History]] |volume=13 |number=1 |date=2015 |pages=59–78|doi=10.17104/1611-8944_2015_1_59 |s2cid=147023860}}</ref> The regime censored criticism and used the state-run Luce Institute film company to laud the Duce through newsreels, documentaries, and photographs.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Pierre |last=Sorlin |title=A Mirror for Fascism. How Mussolini Used Cinema to Advertise his Person and Regime |journal=Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television |date=2007 |volume=27 |number=1 |pages=111–117 |doi=10.1080/01439680601177163 |s2cid=192025081}}</ref> For four decades after 1945 films of the fascist era were ignored.<ref>{{cite book |first=Steven |last=Ricci |title=Cinema and Fascism: Italian film and society, 1922–1943 |publisher=[[University of California Press]] |date=2008 |url=https://content.ucpress.edu/pages/10916/10916.ch01.pdf}}</ref> The regime promoted Italian opera and theatre as well, making sure that political enemies did not have a voice on stage.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Mabel |last=Berezin |title=The organization of political ideology: Culture, state, and theater in fascist Italy |journal=[[American Sociological Review]] |date=1991 |volume=56 |issue=5 |pages=639–651 |doi=10.2307/2096085 |jstor=2096085}}</ref>

In Nazi Germany the new [[Reich Chamber of Culture]] was under the control of [[Joseph Goebbels]], Hitler's powerful Reich Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda.<ref name="overy361">{{cite book |first=Richard |last=Overy |title=The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia |page=361}}</ref> Its divisions included press, radio, literature, movies, theater, music, and visual arts. The goal was to stimulate the [[Aryanization (Nazism)|Aryanization]] of German culture and to prohibit postmodern trends such as surrealism and cubism.<ref>{{cite book |first=Alan E. |last=Steinweis |title=Art, ideology, & economics in Nazi Germany: the Reich chambers of music, theater, and the visual arts |publisher=[[University of North Carolina Press]] |date=1996}}</ref>

== Criticism ==
Fascist parties were closely contested by [[anti-fascist]] movements across the political spectrum throughout the [[Interwar period]]. The defeat of the [[Axis powers]] in [[World War II]] and subsequent revelation of the [[crimes against humanity]] committed during the Holocaust by Germany have lead to an almost universal condemnation of fascism in the modern era.

=== Anti-democratic and tyrannical ===
{{see also|Criticism of democracy}}
[[File:Hitler and Franco at Hendaye (en.wiki).jpg|thumb|upright|Hitler and Spanish dictator [[Francisco Franco]] in [[Meeting at Hendaye]], on 23 October 1940]]
One of the most common and strongest criticisms of fascism is that it is a [[tyranny]].{{sfnp|Boesche|2010|p=11}} Fascism is deliberately and entirely non-democratic and anti-democratic.{{sfnmp|1a1=Clarke|1a2=Foweraker|1y=2001|1p=540|Pollard|1998|2p=121|Griffin|1991|3p=42}}

=== Unprincipled opportunism: Italian fascism ===
Some critics of Italian fascism have said that much of the ideology was merely a by-product of unprincipled [[opportunism]] by Mussolini and that he changed his political stances merely to bolster his personal ambitions while he disguised them as being purposeful to the public.{{sfnp|Schreiber|Stegemann|Vogel|1995|p=111}} [[Richard Washburn Child]], the American ambassador to Italy who worked with Mussolini and became his friend and admirer, defended Mussolini's opportunistic behaviour by writing: "Opportunist is a term of reproach used to brand men who fit themselves to conditions for the reasons of self-interest. Mussolini, as I have learned to know him, is an opportunist in the sense that he believed that mankind itself must be fitted to changing conditions rather than to fixed theories, no matter how many hopes and prayers have been expended on theories and programmes."<ref>{{harvp|Mussolini|1998|p=ix}}. (Note: Mussolini wrote the second volume about his fall from power as head of government of the Kingdom of Italy in 1943, though he was restored to power in northern Italy by the German military.)</ref> Child quoted Mussolini as saying: "The sanctity of an ism is not in the ism; it has no sanctity beyond its power to do, to work, to succeed in practice. It may have succeeded yesterday and fail to-morrow. Failed yesterday and succeed to-morrow. The machine, first of all, must run!"{{sfnp|Mussolini|1998|p=ix}}

Some have criticized Mussolini's actions during the outbreak of World War I as opportunistic for seeming to suddenly abandon Marxist egalitarian internationalism for non-egalitarian [[nationalism]] and note, to that effect, that upon Mussolini endorsing Italy's intervention in the war against Germany and Austria-Hungary, he and the new fascist movement received financial support from Italian and foreign sources, such as [[Italian Ansaldo company|Ansaldo]] (an armaments firm) and other companies{{sfnp|Mack Smith|1997|p=284}} as well as the British Security Service [[MI5]].<ref name="Guardian2009-10-13">{{cite news |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy |work=[[The Guardian]] |location=UK |title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini – Documents reveal Italian dictator got start in politics in 1917 with help of £100 weekly wage from MI5 |date=13 October 2009 |access-date=14 October 2009 |first=Tom |last=Kington |archive-date=19 May 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190519191439/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy |url-status=live}}</ref> Some, including Mussolini's socialist opponents at the time, have noted that regardless of the financial support he accepted for his pro-interventionist stance, Mussolini was free to write whatever he wished in his newspaper {{lang|it|Il Popolo d'Italia}} without prior sanctioning from his financial backers.{{sfnp|O'Brien|2014|p=37}} Furthermore, the major source of financial support that Mussolini and the fascist movement received in World War I was from France and is widely believed to have been French socialists who supported the French government's war against Germany and who sent support to Italian socialists who wanted Italian intervention on France's side.{{sfnp|Gregor|1979|p=200}}

Mussolini's transformation away from Marxism into what eventually became fascism began prior to World War I, as Mussolini had grown increasingly pessimistic about Marxism and egalitarianism while becoming increasingly supportive of figures who opposed egalitarianism, such as Friedrich Nietzsche.{{sfnp|Golomb|Wistrich|2002|p=249}} By 1902, Mussolini was studying Georges Sorel, Nietzsche and [[Vilfredo Pareto]].{{sfnp|Delzel|1970|p=96}} Sorel's emphasis on the need for overthrowing decadent liberal democracy and capitalism by the use of violence, direct action, general strikes and [[Machiavelli|neo-Machiavellian]] appeals to emotion impressed Mussolini deeply.{{sfnp|Delzel|1970|p=3}} Mussolini's use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views.{{sfnp|Golomb|Wistrich|2002|p=249}} Prior to World War I, Mussolini's writings over time indicated that he had abandoned the Marxism and egalitarianism that he had previously supported in favour of Nietzsche's {{lang|de|übermensch}} concept and anti-egalitarianism.{{sfnp|Golomb|Wistrich|2002|p=249}} In 1908, Mussolini wrote a short essay called "Philosophy of Strength" based on his Nietzschean influence, in which Mussolini openly spoke fondly of the ramifications of an impending war in Europe in challenging both religion and [[nihilism]]: "[A] new kind of free spirit will come, strengthened by the war, ... a spirit equipped with a kind of sublime perversity, ... a new free spirit will triumph over God and over Nothing."{{sfnp|Gori|2004|p=14}}

=== Ideological dishonesty: Italian fascism ===
Fascism has been criticized for being ideologically dishonest. Major examples of ideological dishonesty have been identified in Italian fascism's changing relationship with German Nazism.{{sfnmp|Gillette|2001|1p=17|Pollard|1998|2p=129}} Fascist Italy's official foreign policy positions commonly used rhetorical ideological [[hyperbole]] to justify its actions, although during [[Dino Grandi]]'s tenure as Italy's foreign minister the country engaged in {{lang|de|[[realpolitik]]}} free of such fascist hyperbole.{{sfnp|Burgwyn|1997|p=58}} Italian fascism's stance towards German Nazism fluctuated from support from the late 1920s to 1934, when it celebrated Hitler's rise to power and Mussolini's first meeting with Hitler in 1934; to opposition from 1934 to 1936 after the assassination of Italy's allied leader in Austria, [[Engelbert Dollfuss]], by Austrian Nazis; and again back to support after 1936, when Germany was the only significant power that did not denounce [[Italy's invasion and occupation of Ethiopia]].

After antagonism exploded between Nazi Germany and [[Kingdom of Italy|Fascist Italy]] over the assassination of Austrian Chancellor Dollfuss in 1934, Mussolini and Italian fascists denounced and ridiculed Nazism's racial theories, particularly by denouncing its [[Nordic race|Nordicism]], while promoting [[Mediterraneanism]].{{sfnp|Pollard|1998|p=129}} Mussolini himself responded to Nordicists' claims of Italy being divided into Nordic and Mediterranean racial areas due to Germanic invasions of Northern Italy by claiming that while Germanic tribes such as the [[Lombards]] took control of Italy after the [[fall of Ancient Rome]], they arrived in small numbers (about 8,000) and quickly assimilated into Roman culture and spoke the [[Vulgar Latin|Latin]] language within fifty years.{{sfnp|Gillette|2001|p=93}} Italian fascism was influenced by the tradition of [[Italian nationalists]] scornfully looking down upon Nordicists' claims and taking pride in comparing the age and sophistication of [[ancient Roman civilization]] as well as the classical revival in the [[Renaissance]] to that of Nordic societies that Italian nationalists described as "newcomers" to civilization in comparison.{{sfnp|Gillette|2001|p=17}} At the height of antagonism between the Nazis and Italian fascists over race, Mussolini claimed that the Germans themselves were not a pure race and noted with irony that the Nazi theory of German racial superiority was based on the theories of non-German foreigners, such as Frenchman Arthur de Gobineau.{{sfnp|Gillette|2001|p=45}} After the tension in [[German-Italian relations]] diminished during the late 1930s, Italian fascism sought to harmonize its ideology with German Nazism and combined Nordicist and Mediterranean racial theories, noting that Italians were members of the Aryan Race, composed of a mixed Nordic-Mediterranean subtype.{{sfnp|Pollard|1998|p=129}}

In 1938, Mussolini declared upon Italy's adoption of antisemitic laws that Italian fascism had always been antisemitic.{{sfnp|Pollard|1998|p=129}} In fact, Italian fascism did not endorse [[antisemitism]] until the late 1930s when Mussolini feared alienating antisemitic Nazi Germany, whose power and influence were growing in Europe. Prior to that period, there had been notable [[Jewish Italians]] who had been senior Italian fascist officials, including [[Margherita Sarfatti]], who had also been Mussolini's mistress.{{sfnp|Pollard|1998|p=129}} Also contrary to Mussolini's claim in 1938, only a small number of Italian fascists were staunchly antisemitic (such as [[Roberto Farinacci]] and Giuseppe Preziosi), while others such as [[Italo Balbo]], who came from [[Ferrara]] which had one of Italy's largest Jewish communities, were disgusted by the antisemitic laws and opposed them.{{sfnp|Pollard|1998|p=129}} Fascism scholar Mark Neocleous notes that while Italian fascism did not have a clear commitment to antisemitism, there were occasional antisemitic statements issued prior to 1938, such as Mussolini in 1919 declaring that the Jewish bankers in London and New York were connected by race to the Russian Bolsheviks and that eight percent of the Russian Bolsheviks were Jews.{{sfnp|Neocleous|1997|pp=35–36}}

== See also ==
{{Portal|Politics|History}}
{{col-begin|width=75%}}{{col-break}}
* [[Christian fascism]]
* [[Clerical fascism]]
* [[Conservative Revolution]]
* [[Crypto-fascism]]
* [[Emergency government]]
* [[Fascism in South America]]
{{col-break}}
* [[Islamofascism]]
* [[Neo-Nazism]]
* [[Pact of Pacification]]
* [[Proto-fascism]]
* [[Rashism]]
{{col-break}}
* [[Right-wing authoritarianism]]
* [[Reactionary modernism]]
* ''[[Squadrismo]]''
* [[Statism in Shōwa Japan]]
* [[Strongman (politics)]]
{{col-break}}
{{col-end}}

== References ==
'''Notes'''
{{reflist}}
==Bibliography==
===Primary sources===
{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}
* {{cite book |last=Galeazzo |first=Ciano |author-link=Galeazzo Ciano |year=2001 |title=The Ciano Diaries, 1939–1943 |publisher=Simon Publications |isbn=978-1-931313-74-2}}
* {{cite book |last=Gentile |first=Giovanni |author-link=Giovanni Gentile |year=1932 |title=The Doctrine of Fascism |title-link=The Doctrine of Fascism}}
* {{cite book |last=Goebbels |first=Joseph |author-link=Joseph Goebbels |editor-last=Dalton |editor-first=Thomas |title=Goebbels on the Jews: The Complete Diary Entries – 1923 to 1945 |year=2019}}
** {{cite book |editor-last=Taylor |editor-first=Fred |title=The Goebbels Diaries 1939–1941 |year=1983}}
* {{cite book |last=Hitler |first=Adolf |author-link=Adolf Hitler |title=[[Mein Kampf]] |year=1925}}
* {{cite journal |last=Hoover |first=Calvin B. |author-link=Calvin B. Hoover |title=The Paths of Economic Change: Contrasting Tendencies in the Modern World |journal=The American Economic Review |volume=25 |number=1 |date=March 1935 |pages=13–20}}. Supplement, Papers and Proceedings of the Forty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association.
* {{cite web |last=Hoover |first=J. Edgar |author-link=J. Edgar Hoover |url=http://www.milestonedocuments.com/documents/full-text/j-edgar-hoovers-testimony-before-the-house-un-american-activities-committee/ |title=Testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100723195632/http://www.milestonedocuments.com/documents/full-text/j-edgar-hoovers-testimony-before-the-house-un-american-activities-committee/ |archive-date=23 July 2010 |year=1947}}
* {{cite magazine |last=Matthews |first=Claudio |title=Fascism Is Not Dead ... |magazine=Nation's Business |year=1946}}{{full citation needed|date=October 2021}}
* {{cite book |last=Mosely |first=Oswald |author-link=Oswald Mosley |year=1968 |title=My Life |title-link=My Life (Sir Oswald Mosley autobiography) |publisher=Nelson Publications}}
* {{cite book |last=Mussolini |first=Benito |author-link=Benito Mussolini |orig-date=1928 |date=2006 |title=My Autobiography with The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism |location=Mineloa, New York |publisher=[[Dover Publications]] |isbn=978-0-486-44777-3}}
* {{cite book |last=Mussolini |first=Benito |author-link=Benito Mussolini |editor-last=Gregor |editor-first=Anthony James |editor-link=A. James Gregor |title=Origins and Doctrine of Fascism |url=https://archive.org/details/OriginsAndDoctrineOfFascismGiovanniGentile/page/n49/mode/2up |year=2002 |orig-date=1934 |publisher=Transaction Publishers |location=New Brunswick (US); London (UK) |isbn=978-0-7658-0130-2}}
* {{cite book |last=Mussolini |first=Benito |author-link=Benito Mussolini |title=Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions |location=Rome, Italy |publisher=Ardita Publishers |year=1935}}
* {{cite book |last=Mussolini |first=Benito |author-link=Benito Mussolini |year=1998 |title=My Rise And Fall |publisher=Da Capo Press |isbn=978-0-306-80864-7}}
* {{cite book |last=de Oliveira Salazar |first=António |author-link=António de Oliveira Salazar |year=1939 |title=Doctrine and Action: Internal and Foreign Policy of the New Portugal, 1928–1939 |publisher=Faber and Faber}}
* {{cite magazine |last=Orwell |first=George |author-link=George Orwell |date=29 December 2019 |orig-date=26 March 1944 |url=http://orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc |title=What is Fascism? |magazine=[[Tribune (magazine)|Tribune]]}}, republished in {{cite book |title=The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell |year=1968 |url=https://orwell.ru/home.html}}
* {{cite magazine |last=Orwell |first=George |author-link=George Orwell |date=April 1946 |url=https://www.orwellfoundation.com/the-orwell-foundation/orwell/essays-and-other-works/politics-and-the-english-language/ |title=Politics and the English Language |magazine=[[Horizon (magazine)|Horizon]]}}; link via ''[[The Orwell Foundation]]''
* {{cite book |last=de Rivera |first=José Antonio Primo |author-link=José Antonio Primo de Rivera |year=1971 |title=Textos de Doctrina Política |trans-title=Political Doctrine Texts |location=Madrid |publisher=Delegación Nacional de la Sección Femenina del Movimiento |language=es}}
{{refend}}
===Secondary sources===
{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}
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* {{cite web |last1=Acemoğlu |first1=Daron |author1-link=Daron Acemoglu |last2=De Feo |first2=Giuseppe |last3=De Luca |first3=Giacomo |last4=Russo |first4=Gianluca |date=28 October 2020 |url=https://voxeu.org/article/revisiting-rise-italian-fascism |title=Revisiting the rise of Italian fascism |publisher=[[Center for Economic and Policy Research]] |access-date=5 August 2021}}
* {{cite book |first=Ian |last=Adams |title=Political Ideology Today |publisher=[[Manchester University Press]] |location=Manchester, England |date=1993 |isbn=978-0-7190-6020-5}}
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* {{cite journal |last1=Amann |first1=Peter H. |title=A 'Dog in the Nighttime' Problem: American Fascism in the 1930s |journal=The History Teacher |date=1986 |volume=19 |issue=4 |pages=559–584 |doi=10.2307/493879 |jstor=493879 |issn=0018-2745}}
* {{cite book |last=Antliff |first=Mark |title=Avant-Garde Fascism: The Mobilization of Myth, Art, and Culture in France, 1909–1939 |publisher=[[Duke University Press]] |year=2007}}
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* {{cite journal |last=Baker |first=David |title=The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality? |journal=New Political Economy |volume=11 |issue=2 |date=June 2006 |pages=227–250|doi=10.1080/13563460600655581 |s2cid=155046186}}
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** {{cite book |last=Blamires |first=Cyprian |title=World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia |volume=2 |location=Santa Barbara, California |publisher=[[ABC-CLIO]], Inc. |year=2006b}}
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* {{Cite book |last1=Camus |first1=Jean-Yves |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_j5YDgAAQBAJ |title=Far-Right Politics in Europe |last2=Lebourg |first2=Nicolas |date=20 March 2017 |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |isbn=978-0-674-97153-0 |language=en |access-date=9 May 2020 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |editor-last=Costa Pinto |editor-first=Antonio |title=Rethinking the Nature of Fascism: Comparative Perspectives |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |year=2011}} <!--287 pages-->
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* {{cite book |last=De Felice |first=Renzo |author-link=Renzo De Felice |year=1976 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ia2BdNGHRYoC&pg=PP1 |title=Fascism: An Informal Introduction to Its Theory and Practice |publisher=Transaction Books |isbn=978-0-87855-619-9 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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<!-- G -->
* {{cite book |last=Gentile |first=Emilio |author-link=Emilio Gentile |title=The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism |location=Westport, Connecticut |publisher=[[Praeger Publishers]] |year=2003}}
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* {{cite book |editor1-last=Griffin |editor1-first=Roger |editor2-last=Feldman |editor2-first=Matthew |editor1-link=Roger Griffin |editor2-link=Matthew Feldman (historian) |title=Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science |year=2004 |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]]}}
** {{cite book |editor1-last=Griffin |editor1-first=Roger |editor2-last=Feldman |editor2-first=Matthew |editor1-link=Roger Griffin |editor2-link=Matthew Feldman (historian) |volume=1 |title=The nature of fascism |year=2004a |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]]}}
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<!-- H -->
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* {{cite book |last=Hawkins |first=Mike |title=Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860–1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat |location=Cambridge |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |year=1997}}
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<!-- I -->
<!-- J -->
* {{cite book |last=Jablonsky |first=David |title=The Nazi Party in dissolution: Hitler and the Verbotzeit, 1923–1925 |location=London; Totowa, NJ |publisher=Frank Cass and Company Ltd. |year=1989}}
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* {{cite book |last=Kallis |first=Aristotle A. |author-link=Aristotle Kallis |year=2000 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BeeRQHDOKXQC |title=Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945 |location=London |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=978-0-415-21612-8 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Kallis |first=Aristotle |author-link=Aristotle Kallis |year=2011|title=Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Fascist Europe |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=978-0-415-89027-4}}
* {{cite book |last=Kershaw |first=Ian |title=Hitler, 1889–1936: Hubris |location=New York; London |publisher=W.W. Norton & Company |year=2000}}
* {{cite book |last=Kershaw |first=Ian |author-link=Ian Kershaw |title=To Hell and Back: Europe 1914–1949 |year=2016 |location=New York |publisher=[[Penguin Books]] |isbn=978-0-14-310992-1 |page= |pages= |mode=}}
* {{Cite book |last=Kertzer |first=David I. |author-link=David Kertzer |title=The Pope and Mussolini: The Secret History of Pius XI and the Rise of Fascism in Europe |year=2014 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xc3QAgAAQBAJ |isbn=978-0-19-871616-7 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Kitsikis |first=Dimitri |year=2006 |title=Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines françaises du fascisme |language=fr |trans-title=Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the French origins of fascism |publisher=Ars Magna Editions. |isbn=978-2-912164-46-9}}
* {{cite book |last=Kitsikis |first=Dimitri |author-link=Dimitri Kitsikis |year=2005 |title=Pour une étude scientifique du fascisme |language=fr |trans-title=For a scientific study of fascism |publisher=Ars Magna Editions. |isbn=978-2-912164-11-7}}
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* {{cite book |last=Koon |first=Tracy H. |title=Believe, obey, fight: political socialization of youth in fascist Italy, 1922–1943 |publisher=[[University of North Carolina Press]] |year=1985}}
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* {{cite book |last=Laclau |first=Ernesto |author-link=Ernesto Laclau |title=Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory: Capitalism, Fascism, Populism |date=1977 |publisher=[[Verso Books]]}}
* {{cite journal |last=Lancaster |first=Guy |date=26 September 2011 |title=Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Fascist Europe |journal=[[Journal of Genocide Research]] |volume=13 |issue=3 |pages=366–369 |doi=10.1080/14623528.2011.595586 |s2cid=72839243}}
* {{cite book |last=Laqueur |first=Walter |title=Fascism: A Reader's Guide: Analyses, Interpretations, Bibliography |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2s8OaLD7y_oC&pg=PA341 |year=1978 |publisher=[[University of California Press]] |isbn=978-0-520-03642-0 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |last=Laqueur |first=Walter |date=1997 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KM3QCwAAQBAJ |title=Fascism: Past, Present, Future |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |location=Oxford, England |isbn=978-0-19-802527-6 |language=en |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |editor-last1=Larsen |editor-first1=Stein Ugelvik |editor-last2=Hagtvet |editor-first2=Bernt |editor-last3=Myklebust |editor-first3=Jan Petter |title=Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism |publisher=[[Columbia University Press]] |year=1984 |isbn=978-82-00-05331-6}}
* {{cite book |last=Lewis |first=Paul H |year=2002 |title=Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=z3fgxOPSBb4C&q=Latin+Fascist+Elites |publisher=[[Greenwood Publishing Group]] |isbn=978-0-275-97880-8 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Lyttelton |first=Adrian |year=1973 |title=Italian Fascisms: from Pareto to Gentile |location=London |publisher=Cape}}
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* {{cite book |last=Neocleous |first=Mark |title=Fascism |location=Minneapolis, MN |publisher=[[Minnesota University Press]] |year=1997}}
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* {{cite book |last=Nolte |first=Ernst |author-link=Ernst Nolte |title=The Three Faces of Fascism: Action Française, Italian Fascism, National Socialism |translator-first=Leila |translator-last=Vennewitz |location=London |publisher=Weidenfeld and Nicolson |year=1965}}
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* {{cite book |last1=O'Brien |first1=Paul |title=Mussolini in the First World War: The Journalist, the Soldier, the Fascist |date=4 March 2014 |publisher=[[Bloomsbury Publishing]] |isbn=978-1-84520-558-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_wLfBAAAQBAJ |language=en |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Outhwaite |first=William |editor1-first=William |editor1-last=Outhwaite |title=The Blackwell Dictionary of Modern Social Thought |publisher=[[Wiley-Blackwell]] |year=2006 |isbn=9780470999028 |doi=10.1002/9780470999028}}
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* {{cite book |last1=Passmore |first1=Kevin |title=Women, Gender, and Fascism in Europe, 1919-45 |date=2003 |publisher=[[Manchester University Press]] |isbn=978-0-7190-6617-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=luwQ2I6K6xEC |language=en |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |last=Pauley |first=Bruce F. |year=2003 |title=Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in the Twentieth Century Italy |location=Wheeling |publisher=Harlan Davidson, Inc.}}
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* {{cite book |last=Paxton |first=Robert O. |author-link=Robert Paxton |year=2004 |title=[[The Anatomy of Fascism]] |edition=First |location=New York |publisher=Alfred A. Knopf |isbn=978-1-4000-4094-0}}
** {{cite book |last=Paxton |first=Robert O. |author-link=Robert Paxton |year=2005 |title=The Anatomy of Fascism |location=New York; Toronto |publisher=[[Random House]] |isbn=978-0-307-42812-7}}
* {{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |author-link=Stanley G. Payne |title=Fascism: Comparison and Definition |publisher=[[University of Wisconsin Press]] |isbn=978-0-299-08060-0 |year=1980}}
* {{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |author-link=Stanley G. Payne |year=1995 |title=A History of Fascism, 1914–45 |publisher=[[University of Wisconsin Press]] |isbn=978-0-299-14874-4}} [https://archive.org/details/historyoffascism00payn online]; also [https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780299148744 another copy].
* {{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |author-link=Stanley G. Payne |year=2003 |title=Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism |publisher=Textbook Publishers. |isbn=978-0-7581-3445-5}} [https://archive.org/details/falangehistoryof00payn online].
* {{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |author-link=Stanley G. Payne |year=1987 |title=The Franco Regime, 1936–1975 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mgDWLYcTYIAC&q=Francisco+Franco+payne |publisher=[[University of Wisconsin Press]] |isbn=978-0-299-11070-3 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |last=Pollard |first=John |title=The Fascist Experience in Italy |publisher=[[Routledge]] |year=1998}}
* {{cite book |last=Proctor |first=Robert E. |title=Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis |url=https://archive.org/details/racialhygiene00robe |url-access=registration |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |location=[[Cambridge, Massachusetts]] |year=1989 |isbn=978-0-674-74578-0 |oclc=20760638}}
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* {{cite book |last1=Quarantotto |first1=Claudio |title=Tutti fascisti! |trans-title=All fascists! |date=1976 |publisher=Edizioni del Borghese |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9BizAAAAIAAJ |language=it |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |last1=Quine |first1=Maria Sophia |title=Population Politics in Twentieth-century Europe: Fascist Dictatorships and Liberal Democracies |date=1996 |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=978-0-415-08069-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dRR3pR1NbhcC |language=en |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Ramswell |first=Prebble Q. |title=Euroscepticism and the Rising Threat from the Left and Right: The Concept of Millennial Fascism |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_wNBDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA9 |year=2017 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-1-4985-4604-1 |access-date=8 March 2019 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |last=Reich |first=Wilhelm |author-link= Wilhelm Reich |title=The Mass Psychology of Fascism |year=1970 |publisher=[[HarperCollins]] |isbn=978-0-285-64701-5}}
* {{cite book |last=Renton |first=David |title=Fascism: Theory and Practice |location=London |publisher=[[Pluto Press]] |year=1999}}
* {{cite book |last=Richardson |first=John E. |title=British Fascism: A Discourse-Historical Analysis |publisher=Ibidem Press |year=2017 |isbn=978-3-8382-6491-2 |location=Stuttgart}}
* {{cite book |last=Rietbergen |first=P. J. A. N. |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/52849131 |title=A Short History of the Netherlands: From Prehistory to the Present Day |publisher=Bekking |year=2000 |isbn=90-6109-440-2 |edition=4th |location=Amersfoort |oclc=52849131}}
* {{cite book |last=Rodogno |first=Davide |title=Fascism's European empire |location=Cambridge, England |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |year=2006}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Roel Reyes |first=Stefan |date=17 December 2019 |title=Antebellum Palingenetic Ultranationalism: The Case for including the United States in Comparative Fascist Studies |journal=Fascism |publisher=[[Brill (publisher)|Brill]] |location=Leiden, Netherlands |language=en |volume=8 |issue=2 |pages=307–330 |doi=10.1163/22116257-00802005 |issn=2211-6257 |doi-access=free}}
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* {{cite book |last=Rosas |first=Fernando |title=Salazar e os Fascismos: Ensaio Breve de História Comparada |trans-title=Salazar and the Fascisms: Brief Essay on Comparative History |year=2019 |publisher=Edições Tinta-da-China |language=pt |isbn=9789896714840}}
* {{cite book |last=Ross |first=Alexander Reid |year=2017 |title=Against the Fascist Creep |publisher=[[AK Press]] |location=Chico, California |author-link=Alexander Reid Ross |isbn=978-1-84935-244-4}}
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* {{cite journal |last=Sauer |first=Wolfgang |date=December 1967 |title=National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism? |journal=The American Historical Review |volume=73 |issue=2 |pages=404–424|doi=10.2307/1866167 |jstor=1866167}}
* {{cite book |last=Schmitt |first=Carl |chapter=The Legal Basis of the Total State |title=Fascism |editor-last=Griffin |editor-first=Roger |editor-link=Roger Griffin |year=1995 |location=New York |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]}}
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* {{cite book |last1=Schreiber |first1=Gerhard |author1-link=Gerhard Schreiber |last2=Stegemann |first2=Bernd |author2-link=Bernd Stegemann |last3=Vogel |first3=Detlef |author3-link=Detlef Vogel |title=Germany and the Second World War: Volume III: The Mediterranean, South-East Europe, and North Africa 1939–1941 (From Italy's Declaration of Non-Belligerence to the Entry of the United States into the War) |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |year=1995}}
* {{cite book |last=Seldes |first=George |author-link=George Seldes |year=1935 |title=Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism |location=New York and London |publisher=Harper and Brothers}}
* {{cite book |last=Seldes |first=George |author-link=George Seldes |orig-date=1943 |year=2009 |title=Facts and Fascism |location=New York |publisher=In Fact |isbn=978-0-930852-43-6 |page=288}}
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* {{cite book |last=Sohn-Rethel |first=Alfred |author-link=Alfred Sohn-Rethel |title=Economy and Class Structure of German Fascism |location=London |publisher=CSE Bks |year=1978 |isbn=978-0-906336-00-7}}
* {{cite magazine |last=Sontag |first=Susan |author-link=Susan Sontag |date=6 February 1975 |url=https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1975/02/06/fascinating-fascism/ |title=Fascinating Fascism |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200718114505/https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1975/02/06/fascinating-fascism/ |archive-date=18 July 2020 |magazine=[[The New York Review of Books]] |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Spielvogel |first=Jackson J. |title=Western Civilization |publisher=Wadsworth, [[Cengage Learning]] |year=2012}}
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* {{cite journal |last=Sternhell |first=Zeev |date=1976 |title=Anatomie d'un mouvement fasciste en France: le faisceau de Georges Valois |language=fr |trans-title=Anatomy of a fascist movement in France: the beam of Georges Valois |journal=Revue française de science politique |volume=26 |issue=1 |pages=5–40 |doi=10.3406/rfsp.1976.393652}}
* {{cite book |last1=Sternhell |first1=Zeev |last2=Sznajder |first2=Mario |last3=Ashéri |first3=Maia |author1-link=Zeev Sternhell |orig-date=1989 |year=1994 |title=The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution |translator-first=David |translator-last=Maisei |publisher=[[Princeton University Press]]}}
* {{cite book |last=Sternhell |first=Zeev |author-link=Zeev Sternhell |chapter=Crisis of Fin-de-siècle Thought |editor-last=Griffin |editor-first=Roger |editor-link=Roger Griffin |title=International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus |location=London and New York |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |year=1998 |isbn=978-0340706138}}
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* {{cite book |last=Thomson |first=David |author-link=David Thomson (historian) |title=Europe Since Napoleon |publisher=Pelican |year=1966 |isbn=9780140135619}}
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* {{cite book |editor-last=Toniolo |editor-first=Gianni |title=The Oxford Handbook of the Italian Economy Since Unification |location=Oxford: UK |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |year=2013}}
* {{cite book |last=Turner |first=Henry Ashby |author-link=Henry Ashby Turner |title=Reappraisals of Fascism |publisher=New Viewpoints |year=1975 |isbn=978-0531053720}}
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* {{cite book |last=Vatikiotis |first=Panayiotis J |year=1988 |title=Popular Autocracy in Greece, 1936–1941: A Political Biography of General Ioannis Metaxas |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mT5DO_cVSfMC |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=978-0-7146-4869-9 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
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* {{cite book |last=Weber |first=Eugen |author-link=Eugen Weber |orig-date=1964 |year=1982 |title=Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century |location=New York |publisher=Van Nostrand Reinhold Company |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=23jZAAAAMAAJ |isbn=978-0-89874-444-6 |via=[[Google Books]]}} Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.
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* {{cite book |last=Weiss |first=John |title=The Fascist Tradition: Radical Right-Wing Extremism in Modern Europe |publisher=[[Harper & Row]] |location=New York City |date=1967 |asin=B0014D2EN8}}
* {{cite book |last1=Weiss-Wendt |first1=Anton |first2=Robert |last2=Krieken |first3=Alfred A. |last3=Cave |title=The Historiography of Genocide |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NzIWDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA73 |year=2008 |publisher=[[Springer (publisher)|Springer]] |location=New York City |isbn=978-0-230-29778-4 |access-date=12 April 2019 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
* {{cite book |last=Welge |first=Jobst |chapter=Fascist Modernism |editor-first1=Astradur |editor-last1=Eysteinsson |editor-first2=Vivian |editor-last2=Liska |title=Modernism, Volumes 1–2 |publisher=John Benjamins Publishing |year=2007}}
* {{cite book |last=Williams |first=Roger Lawrence |author-link=Roger Lawrence Williams |title=The Mortal Napoleon The Third |publisher=[[Princeton University Press]] |year=2015}}
* {{cite journal |last=Wistrich |first=Robert |date=October 1976 |title=Leon Trotsky's Theory of Fascism |journal=[[Journal of Contemporary History]] |publisher=[[SAGE Publishing]] |location=Thousand Oaks, California |volume=11 |issue=4 |pages=157–184 |doi=10.1177/002200947601100409 |jstor=260195 |s2cid=140420352}}
* {{cite book |last=Woodley |first=Daniel |title=Fascism and Political Theory: Critical Perspectives on Fascist Ideology |publisher=[[Routledge]] |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-415-47354-5 |location=London and New York}}
* {{cite book |last=Woolf |first=Stuart |title=Fascism in Europe |publisher=Methuen |year=1981 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iaMOAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA18 |isbn=978-0-416-30240-0 |access-date=9 May 2020 |via=[[Google Books]]}}
** {{cite book |last=Woolf |first=Stuart Joseph |title=Fascism in Europe |edition=3rd |publisher=[[Taylor & Francis]] |year=1983}}
* {{cite book |last=Woshinsky |first=Oliver |title=Explaining Politics: Culture, Institutions, and Political Behavior |location=Oxford, England; New York |publisher=[[Routledge]] |year=2008 |isbn=9780415960786}}
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* {{cite book |last=Zafirovski |first=Milan |title=Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Liberty Versus Conservatism in the New Millennium |year=2008 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-0-7391-1516-9}}
* {{cite book |last=Zimmer |first=Oliver |title=Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940 |series=Studies in European History |location=London |publisher=[[Palgrave Macmillan|Palgrave]] |year=2003 |doi=10.1007/978-1-4039-4388-0 |isbn=978-1-4039-4388-0}}
{{refend}}
===Tertiary sources===
{{refbegin|30em}}
* {{cite encyclopedia |url=http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9117286 |encyclopedia=[[Encyclopedia Britannica]] |title=Fascism |date=8 January 2008|ref={{sfnref|Encyclopedia Britannica ''Fascism''}}}}
* {{cite encyclopedia |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Italy/The-Fascist-era |title=Italy: The Fascist Era |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171007022510/https://www.britannica.com/place/Italy/The-Fascist-era |archive-date=7 October 2017 |url-status=live |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia Britannica |access-date=5 August 2021|ref={{sfnref|Encyclopedia Britannica ''The fascist era''}}}}
* {{cite encyclopedia |title=Volksgemeinschaft |url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/fascism/Volksgemeinschaft#ref742146 |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia Britannica |year=2019| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190331074936/https://www.britannica.com/topic/fascism/Volksgemeinschaft#ref742146 |archive-date=31 March 2019 |url-status=live |ref={{sfnref|Encyclopedia Britannica ''Volksgemeinschaft''}}}}
* {{cite web |url=http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/neofascismo/ |title=Neofascismo |trans-title=Neofascism |website=Treccani |publisher=Enciclopedia Italiana |language=it |date=31 October 2014 |access-date=31 October 2014 |archive-date=6 November 2014 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141106235833/http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/neofascismo/ |url-status=live |ref={{sfnref|Enciclopedia Italiana ''Neofascismo''}}}}
* {{cite encyclopedia |encyclopedia=International Encyclopedia of Political Science |title=Fascism |editor1-first=Bertrand |editor1-last=Badie |editor1-link=Bertrand Badie |editor2-first=Dirk |editor2-last=Berg-Schlosser |editor2-link=Dirk Berg-Schlosser |editor3-first=Leonardo |editor3-last=Morlino |editor3-link=Leonardo Morlino |date=2011 |publisher=[[SAGE Publications]] |ref={{sfnref|International Encyclopedia of Political Science}} |doi=10.4135/9781412994163 |isbn=9781412959636 |last1=Badie |first1=Bertrand |author1-link=Bertrand Badie |last2=Berg-Schlosser |first2=Dirk |author2-link=Dirk Berg-Schlosser |last3=Morlino |first3=Leonardo |author3-link=Leonardo Morlino}}
* {{cite encyclopedia |last=Staudenmaier |first=Peter |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of World Environmental History |title=Fascism |pages=517–521 |editor1-first=Shepard |editor1-last=Krech III |editor2-first=John |editor2-last=McNeill |editor3-first=Carolyn |editor3-last=Merchant |date=2004 |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=0-415-93733-7 |url=https://epublications.marquette.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1097&context=hist_fac}}
{{refend}}

===Further reading===
{{refbegin|30em}}

* Ahmed, Saladdin. "Fascism as an Ideological Form: A Critical Theory." ''Critical Sociology'' 49.4-5 (2023): 669-687. [https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Saladdin-Ahmed/publication/362039222_Fascism_as_an_Ideological_Form_A_Critical_Theory/links/6367d7ab54eb5f547cac12ee/Fascism-as-an-Ideological-Form-A-Critical-Theory.pdf online]

* {{cite book |last=Albright |first=Madeleine |author-link=Madeleine Albright |title=Fascism: A Warning |date=2018 |publisher=[[HarperCollins]] |location=New York}}
* {{cite journal |last=Alcalde |first=Ángel |title=The Transnational Consensus: Fascism and Nazism in Current Research |journal=[[Contemporary European History]] |year=2020 |volume=29 |number=2 |pages=1–10 |doi=10.1017/S0960777320000089 |s2cid=213889043}}
* Berezin, Mabel. "Fascism and populism: Are they useful categories for comparative sociological analysis?." ''Annual Review of Sociology'' 45 (2019): 345-361. [https://scholar.google.com/scholar?output=instlink&q=info:mujjsenJ7q4J:scholar.google.com/&hl=en&as_sdt=0,27&as_ylo=2019&scillfp=8620327711621867617&oi=lle online]
* Churchwell, Sarah. "American fascism: It has happened here." ''The New York Review of Books'' 22 (2020). [http://termushistory.pbworks.com/w/file/fetch/140610243/Fascism%20in%20America%20today%20-%20New%20York%20Review%20of%20Books.pdf online]

* {{cite journal |last=Esposito |first=Fernando |url=http://docupedia.de/zg/Esposito_fascism_v1_en_2017 |title=Fascism – Concepts and Theories, version 1 |journal=Docupedia Zeitgeschichte |volume=31 |date=August 2017}}

* Finchelstein, Federico. ''From fascism to populism in history'' (U of California Press, 2019) [https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=h4qdDwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PR9&dq=Fascism&ots=Douvk432Ia&sig=2yuR9g1m1MC3Y05x2Ucl5yUE1gQ online].

* García, Hugo, et al. (eds.) (2016) ''Rethinking Antifascism: History, Memory and Politics, 1922 to the Present'' (Berghahn Books)

* {{cite book |last=Hayes |first=Paul M. |author-link=Paul Hayes (historian) |title=Fascism |date=1973 |publisher=Allen & Unwin |location=London |isbn=9780043200896}} [https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=CoXxDwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PT7&dq=Fascism&ots=-S9PN-Pfea&sig=SJn6xZAJiF9iYs-KRXZ78bl9wR4 online]
* {{cite web |last=Illing |first=Sean |website=[[Vox (website)|Vox]] |title=How Fascism Works: A Yale philosopher on fascism, truth, and Donald Trump |date=19 September 2018 |url=https://www.vox.com/2018/9/19/17847110/how-fascism-works-donald-trump-jason-stanley}}
* Joes, Anthony J. ''Fascism in the contemporary world: ideology, evolution, resurgence'' (Routledge, 2019) [https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=GKubDwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PT8&dq=Fascism&ots=ZV5DWVrsgu&sig=UGUOAo_uB9N1JhfT8LSX1fuuMDY online].
* Kagan, Robert. "This is how fascism comes to America." in ''Ideals and Ideologies'' (Routledge, 2019) 369-371. [https://www.salidalibrary.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/How-Fascism-Comes-To-America-Bob-Kagan.pdf online]
* Kuklick, Bruce. '' Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture '' (U Chicago Press 2022) online book review]

* {{cite journal |last=McGaughey |first=Ewan |year=2018 |title=Fascism-lite in America (or the social ideal of Donald Trump) |journal=[[British Journal of American Legal Studies]] |volume=72 |number=2 |pages=291–315|doi=10.2478/bjals-2018-0012 |ssrn=2773217 |s2cid=195842347 |doi-access=free}}
* {{cite book |last=Riley |first=Dylan |author-link=Dylan John Riley |year=2010 |url=https://jhupbooks.press.jhu.edu/title/civic-foundations-fascism-europe |title=The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain and Romania 1870–1945 |publisher=[[Johns Hopkins University Press]] |isbn=9780801894275}}
* {{cite magazine |last=Wiskemann |first=Elizabeth |author-link=Elizabeth Wiskemann |date=December 1967 |url=https://www.historytoday.com/archive/origins-fascism |title=The Origins of Fascism |magazine=[[History Today]] |volume=17 |number=12 |pages=812–818}}
{{refend}}

== External links ==
{{Wiktionary|fascism}}
{{Wikiquote}}
{{Commons category|Fascism}}
* [http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Germany/mussolini.htm ''The Doctrine of Fascism''] by Benito Mussolini (1932) {{in lang|en}}
* [http://media.wix.com/ugd/927b40_c1ee26114a4d480cb048f5f96a4cc68f.pdf Authorized translation of Mussolini's "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism" (1933)] (PDF). media.wix.com.
* [[:gutenberg:14058|Readings on Fascism and National Socialism by Various – Project Gutenberg]]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20130930081524/http://www.themodernword.com/eco/eco_blackshirt.html "Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt"] – [[Umberto Eco]]'s list of 14 characteristics of Fascism, originally published 1995.

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