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{{Short description|Field of architecture}}{{Cleanup|reason=Needs some cleanup with grammar, typos, formatting, etc.|date=November 2023}}[[File:Egrant-190-91.jpg|thumb|upright=1.3|The [[Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Center]] by architect [[Renzo Piano]], [[Nouméa]], [[New Caledonia]] (Kanaky) The complex was named after [[Jean-Marie Tjibaou]], the leader of the independence movement (assassinated in 1989), who had a vision of establishing a cultural centre which included the linguistic and artistic heritage of the [[Kanak people|Kanak]] people.]]

The field of '''Indigenous architecture''' refers to the study and practice of [[architecture]] of, for and by [[Indigenous people]]. It is a field of study and practice in the [[United States]], [[Australia]], [[Aotearoa]] (now [[New Zealand]]), [[Canada]], [[Arctic]] area of [[Sápmi]] and many other countries where Indigenous people have a built tradition or aspire translate or to have their cultures translated in the built environment. This has been extended to [[landscape architecture]], [[urban design]], [[planning]], [[public art]], [[placemaking]] and other ways of contributing to the design of built environments.

==Australia==
The traditional or [[vernacular architecture|vernacular]] architecture of [[Aboriginal Australians|Aboriginal]] and [[Torres Strait Islander]] people in Australia varied to meet the [[Lifestyle (sociology)|lifestyle]], social organisation, family size, cultural and climatic needs and resources available to each community.<ref>Memmott, Paul (2007). Gunyah, Goondie + Wurley: The Aboriginal Architecture of Australia, St Lucia, University of Queensland Press.</ref>

[[File:Queensland-aboriginal-architecture-walater-roth.jpg|thumb|Walter Roth: Studies of Aboriginal ethnoarchitectural forms, Queensland, 1897]]
[[File:Aboriginal boys and men in front of a bush shelter - NTL PH0731-0022.jpg|thumb|left|Aboriginal boys and men in front of a bush shelter, [[Groote Eylandt]], circa 1933]]
[[File:Torres-strait-islanders Shelter.jpg|thumb|Ethnoarchitectural forms constructed by the Torres Strait Islanders on the exposed beaches and cays at Mt Ernest Island (Naghi or Nagheer). [[Lithograph]] with hand colouring by Melville, c. 1849]]
[[File:Duppa-at-erub-for-web.jpg|thumb|left|upright|Example of [[Mer Island]] (or Murray Island) architecture ([[Torres Strait Islands]]). Round form covered with dried banana leaves with sleeping platforms placed inside. Lithograph with hand colouring by Melville, c. 1849]]

The types of forms varied from dome frameworks made of cane through [[Triodia (plant)|spinifex]]-clad arc-shaped structures, to tripod and triangular shelters and elongated, egg-shaped, stone-based structures with a timber frame to pole and platform constructions. Annual base camp structures, whether dome houses in the [[rainforests]] of [[Queensland]] and [[Tasmania]] or stone-based houses in south-eastern Australia, were often designed for use over many years by the same family groups. Different language groups had differing names for structures. These included [[humpy]], [[gunyah]] (or gunya), goondie, [[wiltja]] and wurley (or wurlie).

Until the 20th century, non-Indigenous peoples assumed that Aboriginal people lacked permanent buildings, likely because Aboriginal ways of life were misinterpreted during early contact with Europeans.{{citation needed|date=July 2017}} Labelling Aboriginal communities as '[[nomadic]]' allowed early settlers to justify the takeover of Traditional Lands claiming that they were not inhabited by permanent residents.{{citation needed|date=July 2017}}

Stone engineering was utilised by a number of Indigenous language groups.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Dark emu : black seeds agriculture or accident?|last=Pascoe|first=Bruce|year = 2014|isbn=9781922142436|location=Broome, W.A.|oclc=863984459}}</ref> Examples of Aboriginal stone structures come from Western Victoria's [[Gunditjmara]] peoples.<ref>Coutts, Peter, Frank Rudy, Hughes, Phil and Vanderwal, R. (1978). Aboriginal Engineers of the western district, Victoria. Melbourne: Aboriginal Affairs Victoria.</ref><ref>[[Caroline Bird (archaeologist)|Bird, Caroline]] and Frankel, David (1991). Chronology and explanation in western Victoria and south‐east South Australia,' Archaeology in Oceania 26 (1) pp. 1–16.</ref><ref>Anna Salleh, Aborigines may have and farmed eels, built huts, News in Science, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 13 March 2003.</ref> These builders utilised basalt rocks around [[Lake Condah]] to erect housing and complicated systems of stone weirs, fish and [[eel]] traps and gates in water courses creeks. The lava-stone homes had circular stone walls over a metre high and topped with a dome roof made of earth or sod cladding. Evidence of sophisticated stone engineering has been found in other parts of Australia. As late as 1894, a group of around 500 people still lived in houses near [[Bessibelle]] that were constructed out of stone with sod cladding on a timber-framed dome. Nineteenth-century observers also reported flat slab slate-type stone housing in South Australia's north-east corner. These dome-shaped homes were built on heavy limbs and used clay to fill in the gaps. In New South Wales’ [[Warringah Council|Warringah]] area, stone shelters were constructed in an elongated egg shape and packed with clay to keep the interior dry.

===Australian Indigenous housing design ===
Housing for Indigenous people living in many parts of Australia has been characterised by an acute shortage of [[dwellings]], poor quality [[construction]], and housing stock ill-suited to Indigenous lifestyles and preferences. Rapid [[population growth]], shorter lifetimes for housing stock and rising [[construction]] costs have meant that efforts to limit overcrowding and provide healthy living environments for Indigenous people have been difficult for governments to achieve. Indigenous housing design and research is a specialised field within housing studies.
There have been two main approaches to the design of Indigenous housing in Australia – Health and Culture.<ref>Memmott, Paul (2004). Aboriginal housing: has the state of the art improved. Architecture Australia, 93 (1), pp. 46–48.</ref><ref>Memmott, Paul (2003). TAKE 2: housing design in Indigenous Australia, Red Hill, The Royal Australian Institute of Architects.</ref>

The cultural design model attempts to incorporate understandings of differences in Aboriginal [[cultural]] norms into housing design. There a large body of knowledge on Indigenous housing in Australia that promotes the provision and design of housing that supports Indigenous residents’ socio-spatial needs, domiciliary behaviours, cultural values and aspirations. The culturally specific needs for Indigenous housing have been identified as major factors in the success of housing and failing to recognise the varying and diverse cultural housing needs of Indigenous peoples have been cited as the reasons for Aboriginal housing failures by academics for a number of decades. Western-style housing imposes conditions on Indigenous residents that may hinder the practice of cultural norms. If adjusting to living in a particular house strains relationships, then severe [[Stress (psychological)|stress]] on the occupants may result. Ross noted, "Inappropriate housing and town planning have the capacity to disrupt the social organisation, the mechanisms for maintaining smooth social relations, and support networks."<ref>Ross, Helen (69). Just for Living: Aboriginal perceptions of housing in north-west Australia. Aboriginal Studies Press. p.6</ref> There are a range of cultural factors which are discussed in the literature. These include designing housing to accommodate aspects of customer behaviour such as [[Australian Aboriginal avoidance practices|avoidance]] behaviours, household group structures, [[sleeping]] and eating behaviours, cultural constructs of [[crowding]] and [[privacy]], and responses to [[death]]. All of the literature indicates that each housing design should be approached independently to recognise the many Indigenous cultures with varying customs and practices that exist across [[Australia]].

The health approach to housing design developed as housing is an important factor affecting the [[health]] of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Substandard and poorly maintained housing along with non-functioning [[infrastructure]] can create serious health risks.<ref>, Bailie, Ross and Runcie, Myfanwy J. (2001). Household Infrastructure in Aboriginal Communities and the Implications for Health Improvement. Medical Journal of Australia 175, pp. 363–366.</ref><ref>Pholeros Paul, Rainow Stephan and Torzillo Paul, (1993). Housing for health: towards a healthy living environment for Aboriginal Australia. Newport Beach, New South Wales, HealthHabitat</ref> The 'Housing for Health' approach developed from observations of the housing factors affecting Aboriginal peoples' health into a methodology for measuring, rating and fixing 'household hardware' deemed essential for health. The approach is based on nine 'healthy housing principles' which are the:  
# ability to wash people (especially [[children]]),
# ability to wash clothes and bedding,
# removing [[waste]],
# improving [[nutrition]] and food safety,
# reducing impact of [[crowding]],
# reducing impact of [[Pest (organism)|pests]], animals and [[vermin]].
# controlling dust, 
# [[temperature]] control, and
# reducing [[Injury|trauma]].<ref>Nganampa Health (1987). Uwankara Palyanyku Kanyintjaku (The UPK Report). South Australian Committee of Review on Environmental and Public Health within the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Lands in South Australia.</ref>

=== Contemporary Indigenous architecture in Australia ===
Defining what is 'Indigenous architecture' in the contemporary context is a debate in some spheres.{{original research inline|date=March 2017}} Many researchers and practitioners generally agree that Indigenous architectural projects are those which are designed with Indigenous clients or projects that imbue Aboriginality through consultation, and advance Aboriginal agency. This latter category may include projects which are designed primarily for non-Indigenous users. Notwithstanding the definition, a range of projects have been designed for, by or with Indigenous users. The application of evidence-based research and consultation has led to museums, courts, cultural centres, keeping houses, prisons, schools and a range of other institutional and residential buildings being designed to meet the varying and differing needs and aspirations of Indigenous users.{{peacock inline|date=March 2017}}

[[File:Cultural Centre Uluru1155.jpg|upright|thumb|Uluru-Kata Tjuta Cultural Centre (Architect: Gregory Burgess)]]

Notable Projects include:
* Brambuk Cultural Centre ([[Halls Gap]]//Budja Budja, [[Grampians National Park]]  [[Victoria (Australia)|Victoria]])<ref name="Memmott 2000 pp. 69 - 86">Memmott, Paul and Reser, Joseph (2000). Design concepts and processes for public Aboriginal architecture. In 11th Conference on People Physical Environment Research (PaPER – Australian Aboriginal Double Issue) 55 & 56 pp. 69 – 86.</ref><ref>Johnson, R. (1990). 'Brambuk Living Cultural Centre: Winner Sir Zelman Cowen Award,' Architecture Australia pp. 26 – 28.</ref><ref>Memmott, Paul (1996). 'Aboriginal signs and architectural meanings,' Architectural Theory Review, 1 (2) pp. 79–100.</ref> 
* Marika Alderton House ([[Yirrkala]], [[Northern Territory]])<ref>Dovey, Kim (1996).'Architecture for Aborigines', Architecture Australia, 85 (4) pp. 98 – 103</ref><ref>Dovey, Kim (2000). 'Myth and media: Constructing Aboriginal architecture,' Journal of Architectural Education, 54 (1) pp 2 – 6.</ref><ref>Fromonot, Françoise (2003). Glenn Murcutt: buildings + projects 1962–2003, London, Thames & Hudson</ref><ref>Davies, Colin (2006). Key houses of the twentieth century: plans, sections and elevations. Laurence King Publishing</ref><ref>Melhuish, C. (1996). 'Glenn Murcutt Marika-Alderton-House and Kakadu-Landscape-Interpretation-Centre (with Troppo-Architects), Northern-Territory, Australia', Architectural Design, (124) pp 40 – 45.</ref><ref>Carter, Nanette (2011). 'A Site Every Design Professional Should See: The Marika-Alderton House, Yirrkala,' Design and Culture, 3 (3) pp. 375 -378.</ref>
* Uluru-Kata Tjuta Cultural Centre ([[Uluru]], Northern Territory)<ref name="Memmott 2000 pp. 69 - 86" /><ref>Tawa, Michael (2002). 'Place, Country, Chorography: Towards a Kinesthetic and Narrative Practice of Place,' Architectural Theory Review, 7 (2) pp. 45 – 58.</ref><ref>Findley, Lisa (2002). 'Uluru-Kata Tjuta Cultural Centre Gregory Burgess,' Baumeister, (3) pp. 74 – 79.</ref><ref>Findley, Lisa (2005). Building change: Architecture, politics and cultural agency. Psychology Press.</ref> 
* Wilcannnia Health Service ([[Wilcannia]], [[New South Wales]])<ref name="Memmott 2000 pp. 69 - 86" /><ref>Memmott, Paul (2005). Positioning the Traditional Architecture of Aboriginal Australia in a World Theory of Architecture. In Informal Settlements and Affordable Housing 309 pp. 1 – 1). International Council for Research and Innovation in Building & Construction (CIB).</ref><ref name="Page, Alison 2003 pp. 121 - 122">Page, Alison (2003). 'Building Pride: Cultural journeys through the built environment', Australian Planner 40 (2) pp. 121 – 122</ref>
* [http://www.peterstutchbury.com.au/birabahn.html Birabahn Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Centre], University of Newcastle, NSW
* Girrawaa Creative Works Centre ([[Bathurst, New South Wales]])<ref name="Page, Alison 2003 pp. 121 - 122"/><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.abc.net.au/arts/architecture/build/bld_goa.htm|title=Arts & Culture News – ABC News|website=Abc.net.au|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref><ref>Grant, Elizabeth (2008). 'Prison environments and the needs of Australian Aboriginal prisoners', Australian Indigenous Law Review, 12 (2) pp. 66 – 80.</ref><ref>Grant, Elizabeth (2013). 'Approaches to the design and provision of prison accommodation and facilities for Australian Indigenous prisoners after the Royal Commission into Aboriginal deaths in custody', Australian Indigenous Law Review 17 (1) pp. 47 – 55.</ref>
* Achimbun Interpretive and Visitor Information Centre, ([[Weipa]], [[Queensland]])<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.troppo.com.au/weipa1|title=Achimbun|website=Troppo Architects|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref>
* Tjulyuru Ngaanyatjarri Cultural and Civic Centre ([[Warburton, Western Australia]])
* Port Augusta Courts Complex ([[Port Augusta]], [[South Australia]])<ref>Grant, Elizabeth (2009). Port Augusta Courts. Architecture Australia, 98 (5) pp. 86 – 90.</ref>
* Kurongkurl Katitjin Centre for Indigenous Australian Education and Research ([[Edith Cowan University]], [[Perth]], Western Australia)<ref>Poole, Millicent (2005). Intercultural dialogue in action within the university context: A case study' Higher Education Policy, 18 (4) pp. 429 – 435.</ref>
* [[Aboriginal Dance Theatre Redfern]] ([[Redfern, New South Wales|Redfern]], [[Sydney]])
* Nyinkka-Nyunyu Art and Culture Centre ([[Tennant Creek]], Northern Territory)<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://cstest1.communitystories.net/handle/10070/245200 |title=Nyinkka Nyunyu Art and Culture Centre / Darren Clark |access-date=2015-02-20 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150220130616/http://cstest1.communitystories.net/handle/10070/245200 |archive-date=2015-02-20 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>Christen, Kimberly (2006). 'Tracking properness: repackaging culture in a remote Australian town,' Cultural Anthropology 21 (3) pp. 416 – 446.</ref><ref>Christen, Kimberly (2007). 'Following the Nyinkka: Relations of respect and obligations to act in the collaborative work of Aboriginal cultural centers,' Museum Anthropology 30 (2) pp. 101–124.</ref>
* Karijini National Park Visitors Centre ([[Pilbara]], Western Australia)
* [[West Kimberley Regional Prison]] ([[Derby]], [[Western Australia]])<ref>Grant, Elizabeth and Hobbs, Peter (2013). 'West Kimberley Regional Prison,' Architecture Australia, 102 (4) pp. 74 – 84.</ref><ref>Grant, E. (2013). 'Innovation in meeting the needs of Indigenous Inmates in Australia: West Kimberley Regional Prison' Corrections Today, September 75 (4) pp. 52 – 57</ref>
* Djakanimba Pavilions, ([[Wugularr]] or [[Beswick, Northern Territory|Beswick]], North Territory)<ref>{{cite web|url=http://architectureau.com/articles/2013-national-architecture-awards-small-project/|title=2013 National Architecture Awards: Nicholas Murcutt Award|website=Architectureau.com|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=http://djilpinarts.org.au/visit-us/djakanimba-pavilions/ |title=Djakanimba Pavilions &#124; Djilpin Arts |access-date=2015-02-20 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150220141433/http://djilpinarts.org.au/visit-us/djakanimba-pavilions/ |archive-date=2015-02-20 |url-status=dead }}</ref>
* Walumba Elders Centre (Warrmarn, [[Western Australia]])
 
Indigenous architecture of the 21st century has been enhanced by university-trained Indigenous architects, landscape architects and other design professionals who have incorporated different aspects of traditional Indigenous cultural references and symbolism, fused architecture with ethnoarchitectural styles and pursued various approaches to the questions of identity and architecture.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Gunyah, Goondie and Wurley. The Aboriginal Architecture of Australia.|last=Memmott|first=Paul|publisher=University of Queensland Press|year=2007}}</ref>

=== Prominent practitioners===
* [[Sarah Lynn Rees]] (Palawa)<ref>{{Cite web|title=Sarah Rees|url=https://www.monash.edu/mada/about-us/people/sarah-rees|access-date=2020-10-28|website=Art, Design and Architecture|language=en}}</ref>
*[[Danièle Hromek]] (Budawang/Yuin)<ref>{{Cite web|title=Daniele Hromek|url=https://www.uts.edu.au/staff/daniele.hromek|access-date=2020-10-28|website=University of Technology Sydney|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Danièle Hromek|url=https://www.danielehromek.com/|access-date=2020-10-28|language=en-AU}}</ref>	
*[[Francoise Lane]]<ref>{{Cite web|title=Indigenous Textiles {{!}} Francoise Lane Art {{!}} Queensland|url=https://www.francoiselaneart.com/|access-date=2020-10-28|website=Francoise Lane Art|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Queensland designer in international leadership program|url=https://www.arts.qld.gov.au/arts-queensland/news/queensland-designer-in-international-leadership-program|access-date=2020-10-28|website=Arts Queensland|language=en-gb}}</ref>	
*[[Bernadette Hardy]] (Gamilaraay/Darug)
*[[Siân Hromek]] (Budawang/Yuin)	
*[[Linda Kennedy]] (Yuin)<ref>{{Cite web|title=Architect Bulletin {{!}} Manifesto - linda kennedy and archrival|url=http://architecturebulletin.com.au/spring-summer-2016/manifesto-linda-kennedy-and-archrival/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=Architect Bulletin}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=PechaKucha 20x20|url=https://www.pechakucha.com/presentations/design-and-resistance|access-date=2020-11-10|website=www.pechakucha.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=ATF 2017 Keynote: Linda Kennedy - YouTube|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T5d4XjpBCTs|access-date=2020-11-10|website=www.youtube.com}}</ref>
*[[Rueben Berg]]<ref>Adams, S., Berg, R., James, A., Kumar, S., Mullen, A. and Russell-Clarke, J.O., 2015. Victoia Landscape Architecture Awards. Landscape Architecture, 51.</ref>	
* [[Jefa Greenaway]]<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.abc.net.au/news/2014-10-06/indigenous-australians-not-involved-in-architecture/5789122|title=Architecture: The next bastion of Indigenous creativity says architect Jefa Greenaway|website=Abc.net.au|date=6 October 2014|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.architectureanddesign.com.au/features/features-articles/how-architecture-can-give-voice-to-narratives-of-i|title=How architecture can give voice to narratives of Indigenous culture: Jefa Greenaway|last=Johnson|first=Nathan|website=Architectureanddesign.com.au|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref>
* [[Dillon Kombumerri]]<ref>Kombumerri, D., 2001. Contemporary Australian Indigenous Architecture by Indigenous Designers. Governance and Sustainable Technology in Indigenous and Developing Communities, Perth, Western Australia, Murdoch University.</ref>
* Andrew Lane<ref>Lane, A., 2008. Why we do what we do [Experiences of an architect working on Aboriginal housing.]. Architecture Australia, 97(5).</ref>
* [[Michael Hromek]] (Budawang/Yuin)
*[[Kevin O'Brien (architect)|Kevin O'Brien]]
*[[Glenn Murcutt]]
*[[Gregory Burgess]]
*Craig Kerslake (Indigenous architect)

=== Prominent researchers ===
*[[Danièle Hromek]] (Budawang/[[Yuin]])
* [[Carroll Go-Sam]] ([[Dyirbal language|Dyirrbal]] gumbilbara)<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://theconversation.com/profiles/carroll-go-sam-204412|title=Carroll Go-Sam|website=The Conversation|date=11 November 2015 |language=en|access-date=2017-06-12}}</ref>
*[[Elizabeth Grant (anthropologist)|Elizabeth Grant]]
* [[Paul Memmott]]<ref>Memmott, P., 2007. Gunyah, Goondie+ Wurley: The Aboriginal Architecture of Australia. Univ. of Queensland Press.</ref>
* [https://researchers.uq.edu.au/researcher/1035 Timothy O'Rourke]
* [[Paul Pholeros]]
* Helen Ross<ref>Ross, H., 1987. Just for Living: Aboriginal perceptions of housing in northwest Australia. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press.</ref>

=== Indigenous design methodology ===
Drawing on their heritage, Indigenous designers, architects and built environment professionals from Australia often use a [[Country-centred design]] methodology, also referred to as “''Country centric design”'', “''Country-led design”'', “privileging Country in design”,<ref>{{Cite thesis|title=The (Re)Indigenisation of Space: Weaving narratives of resistance to embed Nura [Country] in design|url=https://opus.lib.uts.edu.au/handle/10453/137126|date=2019|degree=Thesis|language=en-AU|first=Danièle Siân|last=Hromek}}</ref> and “designing with Country”.<ref>{{Cite web|publisher=New South Wales Government Architect|date=2020|title=Designing with Country|url=https://www.governmentarchitect.nsw.gov.au/resources/ga/media/files/ga/discussion-papers/discussion-paper-designing-with-country-2020-06-02.pdf|archive-url=|archive-date=|access-date=30 January 2021|website=Government Architect NSW}}</ref> This methodology centres around the Indigenous experience of Country (capital C) and has been developed and used by generations of Indigenous peoples in Australia.

== Canada ==
===Canadian traditional architecture===
[[Image:Haida Houses.jpg|right|thumb|A group of Haida longhouses]]
The original [[Indigenous people of Canada]] developed complex building traditions thousands of years before the arrival of the first Europeans. Canada contained five broad cultural regions, defined by common climatic, geographical and ecological characteristics. Each region gave rise to distinctive building forms which reflected these conditions, as well as the available building materials, means of livelihood, and social and spiritual values of the resident peoples.

A striking feature of traditional [[Canadian architecture]] was the consistent integrity between structural forms and cultural values. The [[wigwam]], (otherwise known as 'wickiup' or 'wetu), [[tipi]] and [[Quinzhee|snow house]] were building-forms perfectly suited to their environments and to the requirements of mobile hunting and gathering cultures. The [[longhouse]], [[pit house]] and [[plank house]] were diverse responses to the need for more permanent building forms.

[[File:Aboriginal-rmc-tipi-300x127.jpg|left|thumb|Tipi outside the [[Royal Military College of Canada]]]]

The semi-nomadic peoples of the Maritimes, Quebec, and Northern Ontario, such as the [[Mi'kmaq people|Mi'kmaq]], [[Cree]], and [[Algonquin people|Algonquin]] generally lived in [[wigwam]]s '. The wood framed structures, covered with an outer layer of bark, reeds, or woven mats; usually in a cone shape, although sometimes a dome. The groups changed locations every few weeks or months. They would take the outer layer of the structure with them, and leave the heavy wood frame in place. The frame could be reused if the group returned to the location at a later date.

[[File:Theiroquoislonghouse.png|thumb|A traditional Iroquois [[longhouse]].]]

Further south, in what is today Southern Ontario and Quebec the [[Iroquois]] society lived in permanent agricultural settlements holding several hundred to several thousand people. The standard form of housing was the [[Native American long house|long house]]. These were large structures, several times longer than they were wide holding a large number of people. They were built with a frame of saplings or branches, covered with a layer of bark or woven mats.

On the [[Canadian Prairies|Prairies]] the standard form of life was a nomadic one, with the people often moving to a new location each day to follow the [[bison]] herds. Housing thus had to be portable, and the [[tipi]] was developed. The tipi consisted of a thin wooden frame and an outer covering of animal hides. The structures could be quickly erected, and were light enough to transport long distances.

[[File:Eastman Johnson - Ojibwe Wigwam at Grand Portage - ebj - fig 22 pg 41.jpg|thumb|left|Details of ''Ojibwe Wigwam at Grand Portage'' by [[Eastman Johnson]] ]]

In the [[British Columbia Interior|Interior of British Columbia]] the standard form of home was the semi-permanent [[pit house]], thousands of relics of which, known as [[quiggly holes]] are scattered across the Interior landscape. These were structures shaped like an upturned bowl, placed on top of a {{convert|3|or|4|ft|m|adj=mid|-deep}} pit. The bowl, made of wood, would be covered with an insulating layer of earth. The house would be entered by climbing down a ladder at the centre of the roof.

Some of the best architectural designs were made by settled people along the North American west coast. People like the [[Haida people|Haida]] used advanced [[carpentry]] and [[Woodworking joints|joinery]] skills to construct large houses of [[Thuja plicata|red cedar]] planks. These were large square, solidly built houses. One advanced design was the [[six beam house]], named for the number of beams that supported the roof, where the front of each house would be decorated with a [[Totem pole|heraldric pole]] that would be sometimes be brightly painted with artistic designs.

In the far north, where wood was scarce and solid shelter essential for survival, several unique and innovative architectural styles were developed. One of the most famous is the [[igloo]], a domed structure made of snow, which was quite warm. In the summer months, when the igloos melted, tents made of seal skin, or other hides, were used. The [[Thule people|Thule]] adopted a design similar to the pit houses of the BC interior, but because of the lack of wood they instead used [[whale]] bones for the frame.

In addition to meeting the primary need for shelter, structures functioned as integral expressions of their occupants' spiritual beliefs and cultural values. In all five regions, dwellings performed dual roles – providing both shelter and a tangible means of linking mankind with the universe. Building-forms were often seen as metaphorical models of the cosmos, and as such they frequently assumed powerful spiritual qualities which helped define the cultural identity of the group.

The [[sweat lodge]] is a hut, typically dome-shaped and made with natural materials, used by [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas]] for ceremonial steam baths and prayer. There are several styles of structures used in different cultures; these include a domed or oblong hut similar to a [[Wigwam|wickiup]], a permanent structure made of wood and earth, or even a simple hole dug into the ground and covered with planks or tree trunks. Stones are typically heated and then water poured over them to create steam. In ceremonial usage, these ritual actions are accompanied by traditional prayers and songs.

===Traditional housing issues in modern Canada===
As many more settlers arrived in Canada, indigenous peoples were strongly motivated to relocate to newly created reserves, where the Canadian government encouraged Aboriginal people to build permanent houses and adopt farming in place of their traditional hunting and trapping. Not familiar to this sedentary lifestyle, many of these people continued to using their traditional hunting grounds, but when much of southern Canada was settled in the late 1800s and early 1900s, this practice ceased ending their nomadic way of life.{{citation needed|date=November 2017}} After [[World War II]] indigenous people were relative non-participants in the housing and economic boom Canada.{{citation needed|date=November 2017}} Most remained on remote rural reserves often in crowded dwellings that mostly lacked basic amenities.{{citation needed|date=November 2017}} As health services on Aboriginal reserves increased during the 1950s and 1960s, [[life expectancy]] greatly improved including dramatic drop in the infant mortality, though this may have exacerbated the existing overcrowding problem.{{dubious|date=November 2017}}{{citation needed|date=November 2017}}

Since the 1960s the living conditions in on-reserve housing in Canada has not improved significantly. Overcrowding remains a serious problem in many communities. Many houses are in serious need of repair and others still lack basic amenities.{{dubious|date=November 2017}} Poor conditions of housing on reservations has contributed to many Aboriginal people leaving reserves and migrating to urban areas of Canada, causing issues with homelessness, child poverty, tenancy, and transience.{{dubious|date=November 2017}}{{citation needed|date=November 2017}}

===Contemporary indigenous Canadian and Métis architecture===
[[File:Gatineau - QC - Museum of Civilisation3.jpg|thumb|Museum of Civilisation – The entrance to the Public Wing, evocative of a turtle head, native symbol of Mother Earth, with the entrance plaza along Laurier Avenue.]][[File:PictouLandingHealthCentre.jpg|thumb|The Pictou Landing Health Centre takes its inspiration from long houses and traditional methods of construction]]

Notable projects include:
*First Nations Longhouse ([[University of British Columbia]] Vancouver)<ref>Kirkness, V. and Archibald, J. (2001). The First Nations Longhouse, Vancouver: First Nations House of Learning, pp.52–53</ref><ref>Demerais, L. (1993). ‘First Nations Longhouse’, The Canadian Architect, pp. 15.</ref>
*MacOdrum Library, ([[Carleton University]]), ([[Ottawa]], [[Ontario]])
*The [[Canadian Museum of History]] ({{lang-fr|Musée canadien de l’histoire}},([[Gatineau, Quebec]]).
*The Spirit Garden, (Prince Arthur's Landing, [[Thunder Bay]], Ontario)<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theglobeandmail.com/arts/art-and-architecture/thunder-bays-revitalized-waterfront-a-declaration-that-aboriginal-culture-matters/article7516689/|title=Thunder Bay's revitalized waterfront: A declaration that aboriginal culture matters|website=Theglobeandmail.com|access-date=27 August 2018|via=The Globe and Mail}}</ref>
*First Nations University, (Regina, [[Saskatchewan]])
*Aboriginal Gathering Place Pavilion ([[Capilano University]], [[Vancouver]], [[British Columbia]])<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.formline.ca/CAPILANO-UNIVERSITY-ABORIGINAL-GATHERING-PLACE|title=CAPILANO UNIVERSITY ABORIGINAL GATHERING PLACE — FormLine Architecture|website=Formline.ca|access-date=27 August 2018|archive-date=10 November 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161110142920/http://www.formline.ca/CAPILANO-UNIVERSITY-ABORIGINAL-GATHERING-PLACE|url-status=dead}}</ref>
*Squamish Lil'wat Cultural Centre<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100021288/1100100021301|title=Squamish Lil'wat Cultural Centre: A Triumph of Architecture and First Nations Culture|website=Aadnc-aandc.gc.ca|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref>
*Hôtel-Musée Premières Nations ([[Wendake, Quebec|Wendake]] Québec)
*[[Precious Blood Roman Catholic Church (Winnipeg)]]

=== Prominent practitioners ===
*Douglas Cardinal
*Patrick Stewart
*[[Alfred Waugh]]
*Brian Porter
*[[Étienne Gaboury]]<ref>Chaput, Lucien (2007). ""Étienne-Joseph Gaboury"". In Boyens, Ingeborg. The Encyclopedia of Manitoba. Great Plains Publications. pp. 261–262. {{ISBN|1894283716}}</ref>

=== Prominent researchers ===
* [[Wanda Dalla Costa]]
* David Fortin, [[Laurentian University]], first Indigenous Director of a school of architecture in Canada<ref>Kelly Boutsalis (18 October 2018). "[https://nowtoronto.com/lifestyle/education/indigenous-architecture-unceded/ Indigenous architects design a sovereign future]," ''Now Toronto'' Retrieved 11 February 2020.</ref>
* Ryan Walker<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8YQWSDxQpzoC&pg=PT15|title=Reclaiming Indigenous Planning|first1=Ryan|last1=Walker|first2=Ted|last2=Jojola|date=1 September 2013|publisher=McGill-Queen's Press – MQUP|isbn=9780773589940|access-date=27 August 2018|via=Google Books}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/sudbury/fortin-new-director-lu-architecture-1.4150826|title=New director to take over Laurentian's School of Architecture|website=Cbc.ca|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref>

=== Prominent advocates ===

* [[Reanna Merasty]]

== New Caledonia (Kanaky) ==
===Kanak traditional architecture===
[[File:Kanak house.jpg|thumb|upright|La Grande Case (Chief's Hut) at the [[Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre]], [[Nouméa]], [[New Caledonia]].]]
[[File:Kanak roof finial Louvre 96-2-1.jpg|thumb|upright|Fragment of a [[flèche faîtière]] of a La Grande Case made of houp wood, 18th century]]

[[Kanak people|Kanak]] cultures developed in the [[New Caledonia]] archipelago over a period of three thousand years. Today, France governs New Caledonia but has not developed a national culture. The Kanak claim for independence is upheld by a culture thought of as national by the indigenous population. Kanaks have settled over all the islands officially indicated by France as New Caledonia and Dependencies. The archipelago includes the principal island, [[Grande Terre (New Caledonia)|Grande Terre]], [[Belep Islands]] to the north and [[Isle of Pines (New Caledonia)|Isle of Pines]] to the south. It is bordered on the east by the [[Loyalty Islands]], consisting of three coral atolls ([[Mare]], [[Lifou]], and [[Ouvea]]).

Kanak society is organised around clans, which are both social and spatial units. The clan could initially be made up of people related through a common ancestor, comprising several families. There can be between fifty and several hundred people in a clan. This basic definition of the clan has become modified over the years due to historical situations and places involving wars, disagreements, new arrivals etc. The clan structure, therefore, evolved as new people arrived and were given a place and a role in the social organisation of the clan, or through clan members leaving to join other clans.

Traditionally a village is set up in the following manner. The Chief's hut (called La Grande Case) lies at the end of a long and wide central walkway which is used for gathering and performing ceremonies. The Chief's younger brother lives in a hut at the other end. The rest of the village lives in huts along the central walkway, which is lined with auracarias or palms. Trees lined the alleys which were used as shady gathering places. For Kanak people, space is divided between premises reserved for important men and other residences placed closer to the women and children. Kanak people generally avoided being alone in empty spaces.

The inside of a Grande Case is dominated by the central pole (made out of houp wood), which holds up the roof and the rooftop spear, the [[flèche faîtière]]. Along the walls are various posts which are carved to represent ancestors. The door is flanked by two carved door posts (called Katana), who were the “sentinels who reported the arrival of strangers”. There also is a carved door step. The rooftop spear has three main parts: the spear facing up, which prevents bad spirits coming down onto ancestor. The face, which represents the ancestor. The spear on the bottom which keep bad spirits coming up to ancestor.

The [[flèche faîtière]] or a carved rooftop spear, [[spire]] or [[finial]]  is the home of ancestral spirits and is characterized by three major components. The ancestor is symbolized by a flat, crowned face in the centre of the spear. The ancestor's voice is symbolized by a long, rounded pole that is run through by [[conch shell]]s.  The symbolic connection of the clan, through the chief, is a base, which is planted into the case's central pole.  Sharply pointed wood pieces fan out from either end of the central area, symbolically preventing bad spirits from being able to reach the ancestor.<ref name="LoganCole2001">{{cite book|last1=Logan|first1=Leanne|last2=Cole|first2=Geert|title=New Caledonia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lly95WF8n-cC&pg=PA52|access-date=11 June 2011|date=5 July 2001|publisher=Lonely Planet|isbn=978-1-86450-202-2|pages=52–}}</ref> It evokes, beyond a particular ancestor, the community of ancestors.<ref name="musees.org/louvre">{{cite web|url=http://www.musees.org/louvre/albums/arts-premiers/oceanie/photos/photo8.html|title=Flèche faîtière de grande maison cérémonielle.|work=musees.org/louvre|language=fr|access-date=11 June 2011}}</ref> and represents the ancestral spirits, symbolic of transition between the world of the dead and the world of the living.<ref name="LoganCole2001"/><ref name=Fiche>{{Cite web|url=http://sales.arte.tv/detailFiche.action?programId=1436|title=Kanak Fleche Faitiere |access-date=6 June 2011|website=Sales arte.tv}}</ref>

The arrow or the spear normally has a needle at the end to insert threaded shells from bottom to top; one of the shells contains arrangements to ensure protection of the house and the country. During wars enemies attacked this symbolic finial. After the death of a Kanak chief, the flèche faîtière is removed and his family takes it to their home. Though it is allowed to be used again, as a sign of respect, it is normally kept at burial grounds of noted citizens or at the mounds of abandoned grand houses.<ref name=Fiche/>

The form of the buildings varied from island to island, but were generally round in plan and conical in the vertical elevation. The traditional hut features represent the organization and lifestyle of the occupants. The hut is the endogenous Kanak architectural element and built entirely of plant material taken from the surrounding forest reserve. Consequently, from one area to another, the materials used are different. Inside the hut, a hearth is built on the floor between the entrance and the centre pole that defines a collective living space covered with [[pandanus]] leaf (ixoe) woven mats, and a mattress of [[coconut]] leaves (behno). The round hut is the translation of physical and material into Kanak cultures and social relations within the clan.

<gallery widths="160px" heights="200px">
File:Kanak house detail.jpg|Detail of carved door posts (Katana)
File:Kanak doorpost Inv.MH31-50-2.jpg|Detail of carved door posts (Katana)
File:Kanak house hearth.jpg|Interior view of hut with a hearth
File:Stages of construction of a Kanak hut in New Caledonia.jpg|Exhibit of the various stages of construction of a Kanak hut
</gallery>

===Kanak contemporary architecture===
Contemporary Kanak society has several layers of customary authority, from the 4,000–5,000 family-based clans to the eight customary areas (''aires coutumières'') that make up the territory.<ref name="anaya2">[http://unsr.jamesanaya.org/docs/countries/2011-newcaledonia-a-hrc-18-35-add6_en.pdf The situation of Kanak people in New Caledonia, France. – Country Reports – UNSR James Anaya], page 8</ref> Clans are led by clan chiefs and constitute 341 tribes, each headed by a tribal chief. The tribes are further grouped into 57 customary chiefdoms (''chefferies''), each headed by a head chief, and forming the administrative subdivisions of the customary areas.<ref name="anaya2"/>

The [[Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre]] ({{lang-fr|Centre Culturel Tjibaou}}) designed by Italian architect [[Renzo Piano]] and opened in 1998 is the icon of the Kanak culture and contemporary Kanak architecture.

[[File:Tjibaou cultural center-Commons transfer 2012-11-20.jpg|thumb|upright|Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre in Nouméa]]
The Centre was constructed on the narrow [[Tinu Peninsula]], approximately {{Convert|8|km}} northeast of the centre of [[Nouméa]], the capital of [[New Caledonia]], celebrates the vernacular [[Kanak people|Kanak]] culture, amidst much political controversy over the independent status sought by Kanaks from French rule. It was named after [[Jean-Marie Tjibaou]], the leader of the independence movement who was assassinated in 1989 and who had a vision of establishing a cultural centre which blended the linguistic and artistic heritage of the Kanak people.<ref name="LalFortune2000">{{cite book|last1=Lal|first1=Brij V.|last2=Fortune|first2=Kate|title=The Pacific Islands: an encyclopedia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T5pPpJl8E5wC&pg=PA546|access-date=9 June 2011|year=2000|publisher=University of Hawaii Press|isbn=978-0-8248-2265-1|page=546}}</ref><ref name=Corciega>{{Cite web|last= Corciega|first= Rizalyn|title= Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre|url=http://www.architecture.uwaterloo.ca/faculty_projects/terri/366essaysW03/corciega_tjibaou.pdf|access-date=9 June 2011|website=Architecture.uwaterloo.ca/}}</ref>

The Kanak building traditions and the resources of modern international architecture were blended by Piano. The formal curved axial layout, {{Convert|250|m}} long on the top of the ridge, contains ten large conical cases or pavilions (all of different dimensions) patterned on the traditional Kanak Grand Hut design. The building is surrounded by landscaping which is also inspired by traditional Kanak design elements.<ref name=Corciega/><ref name=Irwin>{{Cite web|last=Irwin|first=Sean|url=http://www.architecture.uwaterloo.ca/faculty_projects/terri/125_W03/irwin_Tjibaou.pdf|title=Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre Nouméa, New Caledonia|access-date=9 June 2011|website=Architecture.uwaterloo.ca}}</ref><ref name=Muurphy>{{Cite web|last=Murphy|first=Bernice|title=Centre Culturel Tjibaou|access-date=9 June 2011|url=http://epress.anu.edu.au/hrj/2002/pdf/8_Murphy.pdf|website=Epress.anu.edu.au|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090816080112/http://epress.anu.edu.au/hrj/2002/pdf/8_Murphy.pdf|archive-date=16 August 2009}}</ref> Marie Claude Tjibaou, widow of Jean Marie Tjibaou and current leader of the [[Agency for the Development of Kanak Culture]] (ADCK), observed: "We, the Kanaks, see it as a culmination of a long struggle for the recognition of our identity; on the French Government’s part it is a powerful gesture of restitution."<ref name=Corciega/>

The building plans, spread over an area of {{Convert|8550|m2}} of the museum, were conceived to incorporate the link between the landscape and the built structures in the Kanak traditions. The people had been removed from their natural landscape and habitat of mountains and valleys and any plan proposed for the art centre had to reflect this aspect. Thus, the planning aimed at a unique building which would be, as the architect Piano stated, "to create a symbol and ...a cultural centre devoted to Kanak civilization, the place that would represent them to foreigners that would pass on their memory to their grand children". The model as finally built evolved after much debate in organized 'Building Workshops' in which Piano's associate, Paul Vincent and Alban Bensa, an anthropologist of repute on Kanak culture were also involved.

The Kanak village planning principles placed the houses in groups with the Chief's house at the end of an open public alley formed by other buildings clustered along on both sides was adopted in the Cultural Centre planned by Piano and his associates. An important concept that evolved after deliberations in the 'building workshops, after Piano won the competition for building the art centre, also involved "landscaping ideas" to be created around each building. To this end, an interpretative landscape path was conceived and implemented around each building with series of vegetative cover avenues along the path that surrounded the building, but separated it from the lagoon. This landscape setting appealed to the Kanak people when the centre was inaugurated. Even the approach to the buildings from the paths catered to the local practices of walking for three quarters of the path to get to the entrance to the Cases. One critic of the building observed: "It was very intelligent to use the landscape to introduce the building. This is the way the [[Kanak people]] can understand".<ref>"TanzerLongoria2007", p. 319</ref>

The centre comprises an interconnected series of ten stylised grandes cases (chiefs' huts), which form three villages (covering an area of 6060 square metres). These huts have an exposed stainless-steel structure and are constructed of iroko, an African rot-resistant timber which has faded over time to reveal a silver patina evocative of the coconut palms that populate the coastline of New Caledonia. The [[Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre]] draws materially and conceptually on its geopolitical environment, so that despite being situated on the outskirts of the capital city, it draws influence from the diverse Kanak communities residing elsewhere across Kanaky. The circling pathway that leads from the car park to the centre's entrance is lined with plants from various regions of [[Kanaky]]. Together, these represent the myth of the creation of the first human: the founding hero, Téâ Kanaké. Signifying the collaborative design process, the path and centre are organically interconnected so it is difficult to discern any discrete edges existing between the building and gardens. Similarly, the soaring huts appear unfinished as they open outward to the sky, projecting the architect's image of Kanak culture as flexible, diasporic, progressive and resistant to containment by traditional museological spaces.

Other important architectural projects have included the construction of the [[Mwâ Ka]], 12m totem pole, topped by a grande case (chief's hut) complete with flèche faîtière standing in a landscaped square opposite Musée de Nouvelle-Calédonie. Mwâ Ka means the house of mankind – in other words, a house where discussions are held. Its carvings are divided into eight cylindrical sections representing the eight customary regions of New Caledonia. Mounted on a concrete double-hulled pirogue, the Mwâ Ka symbolises the mast but also the central post of a case. At the back of the pirogue a wooden helmsman steers the ever forwards. The square's flowerbed arrangements depicting stars and moons are symbolic of navigation. The Mwâ Ka was conceived by the Kanak community to commemorate 24 September, the anniversary of the French annexation of New Caledonia in 1853. Initially a day of mourning, the creation of the Mwâ Ka (inaugurated in 2005) symbolised the end of the mourning period thus giving the date a new significance. The erection of the Mwâ Ka was a way of burying past suffering related to French colonisation and turning a painful anniversary into a day for celebrating Kanak identity and the new multi-ethnic identity of Kanaky.

== New Zealand/Aotearoa ==
===Traditional Māori architecture===
[[File:Pataka.jpg|thumb|Pataka with [[tekoteko]]]]
The first known dwellings of the ancestors of [[Māori people|Māori]] were based on houses from their [[Polynesians|Polynesian]] homelands (Māori ancestors [[Māori history#Settlement of New Zealand|migrated]]<nowiki> from eastern Polynesia to the New Zealand archipelago {{circa | 1400 CE). On arriving, the Polynesians found they needed warmth and protection from a climate markedly different from the warm and humid tropical Polynesian islands. The early colonisers soon modified their construction techniques to suit the colder climate. Many traditional island building-techniques were retained, using new materials:</nowiki>[[Typha orientalis | raupo reed]], [[toetoe]] grass, {{lang | mi | aka}} vines<ref>
[https://www.temarareo.org/TMR-Aka.html aka vines]
</ref> and native timbers: [[Podocarpus totara |totara]], [[Laurelia novae-zelandiae |pukatea]], and [[Leptospermum scoparium |manuka]]. Archeological evidence suggests that the design of [[Māori culture#Archaic period c.1300 AD | Moa-hunter]] sleeping houses in the very early years of settlement was similar to that of houses found in Tahiti and eastern Polynesia. These were rectangular, round, oval, or "boat-shaped" semi-permanent dwellings.

These buildings were semi-permanent, as people moved around looking for [[food source]]s. Houses had wooden frames covered in reeds or leaves, with mats on earth floors. To help people keep warm, houses were small, with low doors, earth insulation and a fire inside. The standard building in a Māori settlement was a simple sleeping {{lang | mi | whare puni}} (house/hut) about 2 metres x 3 metres with a low roof, an earth floor, no window and a single low doorway. Heating was provided by a small open fire in winter. There was no chimney. Materials used in construction varied between areas, but raupo reeds, flax and totara-bark shingles for the roof were common.<ref>Te Papa Museum of NZ. Wharepuni.</ref> Similar small {{lang | mi | whare}}, but with interior drains, were used to store {{lang | mi | [[Sweet potato cultivation in Polynesia | kumara]]}} on sloping racks. Around the 15th century communities became bigger and more settled. People built {{lang | mi | wharepuni}} – sleeping houses with room for several families, and a front porch. Other buildings included {{lang | mi | pātaka}} (storehouses), sometimes decorated with carvings, and {{lang | mi | kāuta}} (cooking houses).<ref>Phillipps, William (1952). Maori houses and food stores (No. 8). RE Owen.</ref>

The [[Māori culture#Classic period c.1500 AD |classic phase]] of [[Māori culture]] (1350–1769) was characterized by a more developed tribal society expressing itself clearly in wood carving and architecture. The most spectacular building type was the {{lang | mi | whare-whakairo}}, or carved meeting house. This building was the focus of social and symbolic Maori assemblies, and made visible a long tribal history. The wall slabs depicted warriors, chiefs and explorers. The painted rafter patterns and {{lang | mi | [[tukutuku]]}} panels demonstrated the Māori love for land, forest and river. The {{lang | mi | whare-whakairo}} was a colourful synthesis of carved architecture, expressing reverence for ancestors and love of nature. In the classic period, a higher proportion of {{lang | mi | whare}} were located inside {{lang | mi | [[pā]]}} than was the case after [[History of New Zealand#Early contact periods |contact with Europeans]]. The {{lang | mi | whare}} of a [[Rangatira |chief]] was similar but larger—often with full headroom in the centre, a small window and a partly enclosed front porch. In times of conflict the chief lived in a {{lang | mi | whare}} on the {{lang | mi | tihi}} (summit) of a hill {{lang | mi | pā}}. In colder areas, such as in the North Island central plateau, it was common for ''whare'' to be partly sunk into the ground for better insulation.
[[Image:Taupiri.jpg|thumb|left|A ''marae'' at Kaitotehe, near [[Mount Taupiri|Taupiri mountain]], Waikato district, 1844. It was associated with [[Pōtatau Te Wherowhero]], a chief who became the first [[Māori King Movement|Māori king]].]]

Ngāti Porou ancestor, Ruatepupuke is said to have established the tradition of whare whakairo (carved meeting houses) on the East Coast. Whare whakairo are often named after ancestors and considered to embody that person. The house is seen as an outstretched body, and can be addressed like a living being. A '''[[wharenui]]''' (literally 'big house' alternatively known as ''meeting houses'', ''whare rūnanga'' or ''whare whakairo'' (literally "carved house") is a communal house generally situated as the focal point of a [[marae]]. The present style of wharenui originated in the early to middle nineteenth century. The houses are often carved inside and out with stylised images of the [[iwi]]'s ancestors, with the style used for the carvings varying from iwi to iwi. The houses always have names, sometimes the name of an ancestor or sometimes a figure from Māori mythology. While a meeting house is considered sacred, it is not a church or house of worship, but religious rituals may take place in front of or inside a meeting house. On most marae, no food may be taken into the meeting house.<ref>Brown, Diedre. (2009). Maori Architecture: from fale to wharenui and beyond. Raupo, Penguin.</ref>

Food was not cooked in the sleeping ''whare'' but in the open or under a ''kauta'' (lean-to). Saplings with branches and foliage removed were used to store and dry item such as fishing nets or cloaks. Valuable items were stored in pole-mounted storage shelters called ''pataka''.<ref>[[John White (ethnographer)|John White]] ''The Ancient History of the Maori, His Mythology and Traditions''. Volume V1 (1888). Pataka. Online at [[NZETC]].</ref><ref>Best, Elsdon. (1974, 1916). Maori storehouses and kindred structures, Wellington, Government Printer.</ref> Other constructions were large racks for drying split fish.

The ''marae'' was the central place of the village where culture can be celebrated and  intertribal obligations can be met and customs can be explored and debated, where family occasions such as birthdays can be held, and where important ceremonies, such as welcoming visitors or farewelling the dead (''[[tangihanga]]''), can be performed.

[[Image:Maihi.jpg|thumb|right|The position of the ''maihi'' shown in red]]

The building often symbolises an ancestor of the wharenui's tribe. So different parts of the building refer to body parts of that ancestor:<ref name=deidrebrown>
{{cite book|title=Māori Architecture – from fale to wharenui and beyond | year = 2009 |publisher=Penguin Group|location=North Shore|isbn=9780143011125|pages=52–53}}
</ref>

* the {{lang | mi | [[koruru]]}} at the point of the [[gable]] on the front of the wharenui can represent the ancestor's head.<ref>
{{cite book
 |last1                = Hooper
 |first1               = Steven
 |author-link1         = James Thomas Hooper
 |last2                = Phelps
 |first2               = Steven
 |year                 = 1976
 |title                = Art and Artefacts of the Pacific, Africa and the Americas: The James Hooper Collection
 |url                  = https://books.google.com/books?id=NtKfAAAAMAAJ
 |publisher            = Hutchinson [for Christie, Manson & Woods]
 |page                 = 25
 |isbn                 = 9780091250003
 |access-date          = 29 August 2023
 |quote                = Barge boards (''[[maihi]]'') led up to the gable apex where either a carved head (''koruru'') or a complete figure (''[[tekoteko]]'' [...]) representing a revered ancestor, was attached.
}} 
</ref> Compare [[finial]].
* the ''maihi'' (the diagonal [[bargeboard]]s) signify arms; the ends of the ''maihi'' are called ''raparapa'', meaning "fingers"
* the ''tāhuhu'' (ridge beam) represents the backbone
* the ''heke'' or rafters signify ribs
* internally, the ''poutokomanawa'' (central column) can be interpreted as the heart<ref>Prickett, N. J. (1982). An archaeologist's guide to the Maori dwelling. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology, 4, pp. 111–147.</ref>

Other important components of the wharenui include:<ref name=deidrebrown />

* the ''amo'', the vertical supports that hold up the ends of the ''maihi''
* the ''[[Poupou (architecture)|poupou]]'', or wall carving underneath the [[verandah]]
* the ''kūwaha'' or front door, along with the ''pare'' or [[lintel|door lintel]]
* the ''paepae'', the horizontal element on the ground at the front of the wharenui, acts as the threshold of the building

===Contemporary Māori architecture===
[[File:Whenuakura Marae, Taranaki, New Zealand.jpg|thumb|alt=Whenuakura Marae in Taranaki|[[Whenuakura]] Marae in Taranaki. Marae continue to function as local community centres in contemporary Māori society.]]

Rau Hoskins defines Māori architecture as anything that involves a Māori client with a Māori focus. “I think traditionally Māori architecture has been confined to marae architecture and sometimes churches, and now Māori architecture manifests across all environments, so we have Māori immersion schools, Māori medical centres and health clinics, Māori tourism ventures, and papa kāinga or domestic Māori villages. So the opportunities that exist now are very diverse. The kaupapa (purpose or reason) for the building and client’s aspirations are the key to how the architecture manifests.”<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.unitec.ac.nz/advance/index.php/maori-architecture/ |title=Māori Architecture - Advance magazine |access-date=2015-02-24 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150224110336/http://www.unitec.ac.nz/advance/index.php/maori-architecture/ |archive-date=2015-02-24 |url-status=dead }}</ref>

[[Image:Tanenuiarangi.jpg|thumb|left|Tānenuiarangi, the ''wharenui'' at Waipapa marae, University of Auckland, New Zealand.]]
[[Image:Futuna_Chapel_S.jpg|thumb|Futuna Chapel viewed from the south]]

From the 1960s, marae complexes were built in urban areas. In contemporary context these generally comprise a group of buildings around an open space, that frequently host events such as weddings, funerals, church services and other large gatherings, with traditional protocol and etiquette usually observed. They also serve as the base of one or sometimes several hapū.<ref>Mead (2003), pp 95–100, 215–6</ref> The ''marae'' is still ''wāhi tapu'', a 'sacred place' which carries cultural meaning. They included buildings such as wharepaku (toilets) and whare ora (health centres). Meeting houses were still one large space with a porch and one door and window in front. In the 1980s marae began to be built in prisons, schools and universities.

Notable projects include:
* Tānenuiarangi, Wharenui at Waipapa Marae, ([[University of Auckland]])
* Māori Studies facilities, UNITEC and Tairawhiti Polytechnic
* Ruapoutaka Marae, Glen Innes
* Ngäti Otara Marae and Te Rawheoro Marae ([[Tolaga Bay]])
* [[Futuna Chapel]] (Karori, [[Wellington]])

=== Prominent practitioners ===
* [[John Scott (architect)|John Scott]]
* [[Rewi Thompson]] ([[Ngāti Porou]] and [[Ngāti Raukawa]])<ref>Thompson, R., 1998. Four Projects. Architectural Design, 68, pp.62–65.</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://architectureau.com/articles/obituary-rewi-thompson-1953-2016/|title=Obituary: Rewi Thompson|website=Architectureau.com|access-date=27 August 2018}}</ref>
*[[Elisapeta Heta]] ([[Ngātiwai|Ngāti Wai]])<ref>{{Cite web|title=Elisapeta Heta|url=https://www.jasmax.com/people/elisapeta-heta/|access-date=2020-10-28|website=www.jasmax.com|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Elisapeta Heta - The University of Auckland|url=https://www.auckland.ac.nz/en/alumni/our-alumni/40-under-40/40-under-40--influencers/elisapeta-heta.html|access-date=2020-10-28|website=www.auckland.ac.nz}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Big Interview: Elisapeta Heta.|url=https://www.diversityagenda.org/2019/11/20/big-interview-elisapeta-heta/|access-date=2020-10-28|website=www.diversityagenda.org}}</ref>
*[[Keri Whaitiri]], ([[Ngāti Kahungunu]], [[Ngāi Tahu]])<ref>{{Cite web|date=2020-07-27|title=Field Guide 2020: Keri Whaitiri|url=https://designassembly.org.nz/2020/07/28/field-guide-2020-keri-whaitiri/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=Design Assembly}}</ref>
*[[Tere Insley]] ([[Te Whānau-ā-Apanui]])<ref>{{Cite web|title=About {{!}} Kauri Architects|url=http://kauriarchitects.co.nz/about-us/|access-date=2020-11-10|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Heralding her heritage|url=https://www.nzherald.co.nz/lifestyle/heralding-her-heritage/V4YF27TRNN4IS6SSTISRX3BRIA/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=NZ Herald|language=en-NZ}}</ref>
*[[Haley Hooper]] ([[Ngāpuhi]])<ref>{{Cite web|title=I Te Timatanga / the beginning|url=https://architecturenow.co.nz/articles/i-te-timatanga-the-beginning/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=Architecture Now|language=en-AU}}</ref>
*[[Jade Kake]], ([[Ngāpuhi]] (Ngāti Hau me Te Parawhau), [[Whakatōhea|Te Whakatōhea]], [[Te Arawa]])<ref>{{Cite web|last=Kake|first=Jade|title=Jade Kake|url=https://thespinoff.co.nz/author/jade-kake/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=The Spinoff}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last1=Husband|first1=Dale|date=2019-10-05|title=Jade Kake: Māori by design|url=https://e-tangata.co.nz/korero/jade-kake-maori-by-design/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=E-Tangata|language=en-NZ}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Kake|first=Jade|date=2020-01-07|title=What does Māori architecture look like today?|url=https://thespinoff.co.nz/atea/07-01-2020/what-does-maori-architecture-look-like-today/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=The Spinoff}}</ref>
*[[Raukura Turei]] ([[Ngāi Tai ki Tāmaki|Ngāitai ki Tamaki]] and [[Ngā Rauru|Ngā Rauru ki Tahi]])<ref>{{Cite web|title=Raukura Turei - Sanderson Contemporary Art. Newmarket, Auckland, NZ|url=https://www.sanderson.co.nz/Artist/358/Raukura-Turei.aspx|access-date=2020-11-10|website=www.sanderson.co.nz}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Inside story: Raukura Turei|url=https://urbismagazine.com/articles/inside-story-raukura-turei/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=Urbis Magazine|language=en-AU}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|first=Jade|last=Kake|title=Painting With Whenua: An Interview with Raukura Turei|url=https://pantograph-punch.com//posts/raukura-turei-interview,%20https://pantograph-punch.com//posts/raukura-turei-interview|access-date=2020-11-10|website=Pantograph Punch}}{{Dead link|date=October 2022 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref>
*[[Amanda Yates]] ([[Ngāti Rangiwewehi]], [[Ngāti Whakaue]], [[Te Aitanga-a-Māhaki]], [[Rongowhakaata]]) 
*[[Jacqueline Paul]] ([[Ngāpuhi]], [[Ngāti Tūwharetoa]], [[Heretaunga Tamatea|Ngāti Kahungunu ki Heretaunga]])<ref>{{Cite web|date=2019-07-01|title=Jacqueline Paul|url=https://britomart.org/jacqueline-paul/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=Britomart|language=en}}</ref> 
*[[Fleur Palmer]] ([[Te Rarawa]], [[Te Aupōuri|Te Aupouri]])<ref name=":0">{{Cite web|title=Fleur Palmer - Developing New Strategies for Maori Housing {{!}} Wellington School of Architecture {{!}} Victoria University of Wellington|url=https://www.wgtn.ac.nz/architecture/about/events-archived/past-events-archived/fleur-palmer-developing-new-strategies-for-maori-housing|access-date=2020-11-10|website=www.wgtn.ac.nz}}</ref> 
* [[Rau Hoskins]]<ref>Hoskins, R., TeNana, H., Rhodes, P., Guy, P. and Sage, C., 2002. Ki te Hau Kainga: New Perspectives on Maori Housing Solutions. A Design Guide Prepared for Housing New Zealand Corporation.</ref><ref name="auto">Hoskins, R., 2008. Our faces in Our Places: Cultural landscapes-Maori and the Urban Environment. Re-thinking urban environments and health.</ref>

=== Prominent researchers ===
* [[Elsdon Best]]
* [[Deidre Brown]] ([[Ngāpuhi]], [[Ngāti Kahu]] )<ref>Brown, D., 2009. Maori architecture: from fale to wharenui and beyond. Raupo Penguin.</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Open your eyes to the future of Māori architecture - The University of Auckland|url=https://www.auckland.ac.nz/en/news/2020/01/03/open-eyes-to-future-maori-architecture.html|access-date=2020-11-10|website=www.auckland.ac.nz}}</ref>
*[[Fleur Palmer]] ([[Te Rarawa]], [[Te Aupōuri|Te Aupouri]])<ref name=":0" />

== Sápmi ==
===  Traditional architecture (ethno-architecture) of the Sámi ===
[[File:Skansen29.jpg|right|thumb|Reconstruction of a peat goahti at Skansen open-air museum]]
[[Image:Saami Family 1900.jpg|right|thumb|A Sami family in front of goahti.  The tent in the background is a [[lavvu]].  Note the differences in the pole placement of the two structures.  This photo was taken around 1900 in northern [[Scandinavia]].]]

[[File:Sami Storehouse.jpg|thumb|right|Traditional raised Sami storehouse, displayed at [[Skansen]], [[Stockholm]]. [[Cabin on chicken legs|A similar structure]], is mentioned in Russian fairy tales as a "house with chicken legs"]]

Sápmi is the term for [[Sámi]] (also Saami) traditional lands. The Sámi people are the Indigenous people of the northern part of the Scandinavian Peninsula and large parts of the [[Kola Peninsula]], which encompasses parts of far northern [[Norway]], [[Sweden]], [[Finland]], and [[Russia]], and the border area between south and middle Sweden and Norway.  The  Sámi are the only Indigenous people of [[Scandinavia]] recognized and protected under the international conventions of indigenous people, and  the northernmost Indigenous people of [[Europe]]. Sámi ancestral lands span an area of approximately 388,350&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup> (150,000 sq. mi.) across the [[Nordic countries]].

There are a number of Sámi ethnoarchitectural forms; including the [[lavvu]], [[goahti]], the Finnish [[laavu]]. The differences between the goahti and the lavvu can be seen when looking at the top of structures.  A lavvu will have its poles coming together, while the goahti will have its poles separate and not coming together. The turf version of the goahti will have the canvas replaced with wood resting on the structure covered with [[birch bark]] then [[peat]] to provide a durable construction.

[[Lavvu]] (or {{lang-se|lávvu}}, {{lang-smn|láávu}}, {{lang-sms|kååvas}}, {{lang-sjd|koavas}}, {{lang-fi|kota or umpilaavu}}, {{lang-no|lavvo or sametelt}}, and {{lang-sv|kåta}}) is a structure built by the  Sámi of northern Scandinavia. It has a design similar to a [[Indigenous peoples of North America|Native American]] [[tipi]] but is less vertical and more stable in high winds. It enables the indigenous cultures of the treeless plains of northern [[Scandinavia]] and the high [[arctic]] of Eurasia to follow their [[reindeer]] herds. It is still used as a temporary shelter by the  Sámi, and increasingly by other people for camping. 

There are several historical references that describe the lavvu structure (also called a ''kota'', or a variation on this name) used by the Sami.  These structures have the following in common:<ref>[[Johannes Schefferus|Schefferus, Johannes]]. ''History of Lappland'' (English trans. ''[[Lapponia (book)|Lapponia]]''), 1674, p.80-86</ref><ref>Manker, Ernst and Vorren, Ørnulv. ''Lapp Life and Customs: A Survey''., Trans. Kathleen McFarlane, Oxford University Press London, 1962, p.42-46</ref><ref>Muus, Nathan. "Building a Lavvu", ''Bulletin of Primitive Technology'', Fall, 1997, No.14. p.21-22</ref><ref>[[Ernst Manker|Manker, Ernst]]. ''People of Eight Seasons'', Crescent Books, New York, 1963, p.80-81</ref><ref>Eidheim, Harald. "Ethno-Political Development among the Sami after World War II", ''Sami Culture in a New Era: The Norwegian Sami Experience'', Gaski, H. ed. (1997) p.49</ref>

# The lavvu is supported by three or more evenly spaced forked or notched poles that form a tripod.
# There are upwards of ten or more unsecured straight poles that are laid up against the tripod and which give form to the structure.
# The lavvu does not need any [[Tent peg|stakes]], [[guy-wire]] or ropes to provide shape or stability to the structure.
# The shape and volume of the lavvu is determined by the size and quantity of the poles that are used for the structure.
# There is no center pole needed to support this structure.

No historical record has come to light that describes the Sami using a single-pole structure claimed to be a lavvu, or any other Scandinavian variant name for the structure.  The definition and description of this structure has been fairly consistent since the 17th century and possibly many centuries earlier.

A [[goahti]] (also ''gábma'', ''gåhte'', ''gåhtie'' and ''gåetie'', [[Norwegian language|Norwegian]]: ''gamme'', [[Finnish language|Finnish]]: ''kota'', [[Swedish language|Swedish]]: ''kåta''), is a [[Sami people|Sami]] [[Hut (dwelling)|hut]] or [[tent]] of three types of covering: fabric, peat moss or timber. The fabric-covered goahti looks very similar to a Sami [[lavvu]], but often constructed slightly larger.  In its tent version the goahti is also called a 'curved pole' lavvu, or a 'bread box' lavvu as the shape is more elongated while the lavvu is in a circular shape.

The interior construction of the poles is thus:  1) four curved poles ({{convert|8|–|12|ft|m}} long), 2) one straight center pole ({{convert|5|–|8|ft|m}} long), and 3) approximately a dozen straight wall-poles ({{convert|10|–|15|ft}} long).  All the pole sizes can vary considerably.

The four curved poles curve to about a 130° angle.  Two of these poles have a hole drilled into them at one end, with those ends being joined together by the long center pole that is inserted by the described poles.  The other two curved poles are also joined at the other end of the long pole.  When this structure is set up, a four-legged stand is formed with the long pole at the top and center of the structure.  With the four-legged structure standing up to about five to eight feet in height, approximately ten or twelve straight "wall-poles" are laid up against the structure.  The goahti covering, today made usually of canvas, is laid up against the structure and tied down.  There can be more than one covering that covers the structure.


===Contemporary Sámi architecture ===
[[File:Samediggi03.jpg|thumb|right|The Sámi Parliament building in [[Norway]] designed by Stein Halvorsen & Christian Sundby]]

The [[Sámi Parliament]] building was designed by the (non-Sámi) architects Stein Halvorsen & Christian Sundby, who won the Norwegian government's call for projects in 1995, and inaugurated in 2005. The government called for a building such that “the Sámi Parliament appears dignified” and “reflects Sámi architecture.”

Another similar example of Sami-inspired architecture is the [[Várjjat Sámi Musea]] (Varanger Sami Museum, VSM) in [[Nesseby]], [[Finnmark]].

[[File:Girjegumpi – The Sámi Architecture Library by Joar Nango and collaborators at the Nordic Countries Pavilion (18th International Architecture Exhibition – La Biennale di Venezia) 4.jpg|thumb|The ongoing ''Architecture in Sápmi'' mapping project by Astrid Fadnes, Katrine Rugeldal, and Jenni Hakovirta forms part of Joar Nango's ''Girjegumpi'' and was developed for the Nordic Pavilion at the 18th Venice Architecture Biennale in 2023.]]

The work of Sámi artist and architect [[Joar Nango]] explores the intersections of traditional Indigenous construction methods, contemporary architecture, and new media.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Wright |first1=Florence |title=In practice: Joar Nango on building a library of Sámi architecture |url=https://www.architectural-review.com/essays/in-practice/in-practice-joar-nango |work=Architectural Review |date=21 September 2022 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=INTERVIEW: Joar Nango On Indigenous Architectures And Slippery Identities |url=https://archive.pinupmagazine.org/articles/interview-mimi-zeiger-joar-sami-architecture-joar-nango |work=archive.pinupmagazine.org |language=en}}</ref>

== Samoa ==
===Traditional architecture (ethno-architecture) of Samoa===
[[File:Urville-Apia-public.jpg|right|thumb|Interior ''fale'', Apia, D'Urville, 1842]]
[[File:Interior Samoan fale tele with central pillars and curved rafters.jpg|right|thumb|interior ''fale tele'' with central pillars and curved rafters]]
The [[architecture of Samoa]] is characterised by openness, with the design mirroring the culture and life of the Samoan people who inhabit the [[Samoa Islands]].<ref>Recording the Cultural Heritages of Samoa and the Fiji Islands, U. Herbig, G. Zohrer, F. Samoliy. Retrieved 26 October 2009</ref> Architectural concepts are incorporated into [[Samoan proverbs]], oratory and metaphors, as well as linking to other art forms in Samoa, such as boat building and [[Pe'a|tattooing]]. The spaces outside and inside of traditional Samoan architecture are part of cultural form, ceremony and ritual. Fale is the Samoan word for all types of houses, from small to large. In general, traditional Samoan architecture is characterized by an oval or circular shape, with wooden posts holding up a domed roof. There are no walls. The base of the architecture is a skeleton frame. Before European arrival and the availability of Western materials, a Samoan fale did not use any metal in its construction.

[[File:Magimagi - Mainbeam.jpg|right|thumb|Similar Fijian lashing (''[[magimagi]]'')]]
[[File:Magimagi - Diags.jpg|right|thumb|''afa'' woven pattern]]
The fale is lashed and tied together with a plaited [[sennit]] rope called ''{{okina}}afa'', handmade from dried [[coconut]] fibre. The ''{{okina}}afa'' is woven tight in complex patterns around the wooden frame, and binds the entire construction together. ''{{okina}}Afa'' is made from the husk of certain varieties of coconuts with long fibres, particularly the ''niu'afa'' (''afa'' palm). The husks are soaked in fresh water to soften the interfibrous portion.  The husks from mature nuts must be soaked from four to five weeks, or perhaps even longer, and very mature fibre is best soaked in salt water, but the green husk from a special variety of coconut is ready in four or five days. Soaking is considered to improve the quality of the fibre. Old men or women then beat the husk with a mallet on a wooden [[anvil]] to separate the fibres, which, after a further washing to remove interfibrous material, are tied together in bundles and dried in the sun. When this stage is completed, the fibres are manufactured into sennit by plaiting, a task usually done by elderly men or ''[[fa'amatai|matai]]'', and performed at their leisure. This usually involves them seated on the ground rolling the dried fibre strands against their bare thigh by hand, until heavier strands are formed. These long, thin strands are then woven together into a three-ply plait, often in long lengths, that is the finished sennit. The sennit is then coiled in bundles or wound tightly in very neat cylindrical rolls.<ref>{{cite book |title=An Introduction to Samoan Custom |last=Grattan |first=F.J.H. |year=1985 |publisher=R. McMillan |location=New Zealand |isbn=0-908712-13-8|pages=164, 165 |url=https://nzetc.victoria.ac.nz/tm/scholarly/tei-GraIntr-_N65654.html|access-date=14 August 2010 }}</ref>

Making enough lengths of ''afa'' for an entire house can take months of work. The construction of an ordinary traditional ''fale'' is estimated to use 30,000 to 50,000 feet of ''{{okina}}afa''. The lashing construction of the Samoan ''fale'' is one of the great architectural achievements of [[Polynesia]].<ref>[http://app.cul.columbia.edu:8080/ac/handle/10022/AC:P:2113] {{dead link|date=August 2018}}</ref>  A similar lashing technique was also used in traditional boat building, where planks of wood were 'sewn' together in parts. ''{{okina}}Afa'' has many other uses in Samoan material culture, including ceremonial items, such as the ''fue'' fly whisk, a symbol of orator status. This lashing technique was also used in other parts of Polynesia, such case the ''[[magimagi]]'' of [[Fiji]].

[[File:Samoan fale, Lelepa village, Savaii, Samoa 2009.JPG|left|thumb|Situated by the beach and raised a meter off the ground, this ''fale tele'' in [[Lelepa (village)|Lelepa]] village on [[Savai'i|Savai'i Island]] has an iron roof replacing traditional thatching for the roof, although ''pola'' (suspended in photo), traditional 'wall blinds' around the poles of the ''fale'' are still used.]]
The form of a ''fale'', especially the large meeting houses, creates both physical and invisible spatial areas, which are clearly understood in Samoan custom, and dictate areas of social interaction. The use and function of the ''fale'' is closely linked to the Samoan system of social organisation, especially the ''[[Fa'amatai]]'' chiefly system.

Those gathered at a formal gathering or ''fono'' are always seated cross-legged on mats on the floor, around the ''fale'', facing each other with an open space in the middle. The interior directions of a ''fale'', east, west, north and south, as well as the positions of the posts, affect the seating positions of chiefs according to rank, the place where orators (host or visiting party) must stand to speak or the side of the house where guests and visitors enter and are seated. The space also defines the position where the 'ava makers (''aumaga'') in the [[Samoa 'ava ceremony]] are seated and the open area for the presentation and exchanging of cultural items such as the ''[['ie toga]]'' fine mats.

The front of a Samoan house is that part that faces the main thoroughfare or road through the village. The floor is quartered, and each section is named: ''Tala luma'' is the front side section, ''tala tua'' the back section, and ''tala'', the two end or side sections.<ref name=tp/> The middle posts, termed ''matua tala'' are reserved for the leading chiefs and the side posts on the front section, termed ''pou o le pepe'' are occupied by the orators. The posts at the back of the house, ''talatua'', indicate the positions maintained by the 'ava makers and others serving the gathering.<ref name=tp>An Account of Samoan History up to 1918 by Te'o Tuvale. NZ Electronic Text Centre. Retrieved 27 October 2009</ref>

The immediate area exterior of the ''fale'' is usually kept clear, and is either a grassy lawn or sandy area if the village is by the sea. The open area in front of the large meeting houses, facing the main thoroughfare or road in a village, is called the ''malae'', and is an important outdoor area for larger gatherings and ceremonial interaction. The word "''fale''" is also constructed with other words to denote social groupings or rank, such as the ''faleiva'' (house of nine) orator group in certain districts. The term is also used to describe certain buildings and their functions. The word for hospital is ''falema'i'', "house of the ill".

The simplest types of ''fale'' are called ''faleo'o'', which have become popular as ecofriendly and low-budget [[beach fale|beach accommodations]] in local tourism. Every family complex in Samoa has a ''fale tele'', the meeting house, "big house". The site on which the house is built is called ''tulaga fale'' (place to stand).<ref name=tp/>

The builders in Samoan architecture were also the architects, and they belonged to an exclusive ancient guild of master builders, ''Tufuga fau fale''. The Samoan word ''tufuga'' denotes the status of master craftsmen who have achieved the highest rank in skill and knowledge in a particular traditional art form. The words ''fau-fale'' means ''house builder''. There were ''Tufuga'' of navigation (''Tufuga fau va'a'') and [[pe'a|Samoan tattooing]] (''Tufuga ta tatau'').
Contracting the services of a ''Tufuga fau fale'' required negotiations and cultural custom.<ref>[https://nzetc.victoria.ac.nz/tm/scholarly/tei-BucSamo-t1-body1-d2-d8-d12.html] Samoan Material Culture by Te Rangi Hiroa ([[Te Rangi Hīroa|Sir Peter Buck]]), p.87. Retrieved 26 October 2009</ref>

[[File:Cocos nucifera - Köhler–s Medizinal-Pflanzen-187.jpg|left|thumb|upright|Coconut husk of nut used to make ''afa'' rope]]
[[File:Samoa houses circa 1930s-photographer and location unknown.jpg|thumb|''Fale tele'' in a village]]

The '''fale tele''' (big house), the most important house, is usually round in shape, and serves as a meeting house for chief council meetings, family gatherings, funerals or chief title investitures. The ''fale tele'' is always situated at the front of all other houses in an extended family complex. The houses  behind it serve as living quarters, with an outdoor cooking area at the rear of the compound.<ref name=tp/> At the front is an open area, called a ''malae''. The ''malae'', (similar to ''marae'' concept in [[Māori culture|Māori]] and other Polynesian cultures), is usually a well-kept, grassy lawn or sandy area. The ''malae'' is an important cultural space where interactions between visitors and hosts or outdoor formal gatherings take place.

The open characteristics of Samoan architecture are also mirrored in the overall pattern of house sites in a village, where all ''fale tele'' are situated prominently at the fore of all other dwellings in the village, and sometimes form a semicircle, usually facing seawards. In modern times, with the decline of traditional architecture and the availability of western building materials, the shape of the ''fale tele'' has become rectangular, though the spatial areas in custom and ceremony remain the same.
[[File:Fale on Manono Island.jpg|right|thumb|''Faleo'o'' (''[[beach fale]]'') with simple roof thatching on [[Manono Island]], 2009]]
Traditionally, the '''afolau''' (long house), a longer ''fale'' shaped like a stretched oval, served as the dwelling house or guest house.

The '''faleo'o''' (small house), traditionally long in shape, was really an addition to the main house. It is not so well constructed and is situated always at the back of the main dwelling.<ref name=tp/> In modern times, the term is also used for any type of small and simple ''fale'', which is not the main house of dwelling. Popular as a "grass hut" or [[beach fale]] in village tourism, many are raised about a meter off the ground on stilts, sometimes with an iron roof. In a village, families build a ''faleo'o'' beside the main house or by the sea for resting during the heat of the day or as an extra sleeping space at night if there are guests.

The '''tunoa''' (cook house) is a flimsy structure, small in size, and not really to be considered as a house. In modern times, the cook house, called the ''umukuka'', is at the rear of the family compound, where all the cooking is carried out in an earth oven, ''umu'', and pots over the fire. In most villages, the ''umukuka'' is really a simple open shed made with a few posts with an iron roof to protect the cooking area from the weather.
[[File:Seumanutafa's house Apia 1896.jpg|right|thumb|Samoan ''fale'' construction 1896]]
Construction of a ''fale'', especially the large and important ''fale tele'', often involves the whole extended family and help from their village community.

The ''Tufuga fai fale'' oversees the entire building project. Before construction, the family prepares the building site. Lava, coral, sand or stone materials are usually used for this purpose. The ''Tufuga'', his assistants (''autufuga'') and men from the family cut the timber from the forest. The main supporting posts, erected first, vary in number, size and length depending on the shape and dimensions of the house. Usually they are between 16 and 25 feet in length and six to 12&nbsp;inches in diameter, and are buried about four feet in the ground. The term for these posts is ''poutu'' (standing posts); they are erected in the middle of the house, forming central pillars.

Attached to the ''poutu'' are cross pieces of wood of a substantial size called ''so'a''. The ''so'a'' extend from the ''poutu'' to the outside circumference of the ''fale'' and their ends are fastened to further supporting pieces called ''la'au fa'alava''.
[[File:Samoa Tourism Office, Apia, 2009.jpg|right|thumb|Samoa tourism office in [[Apia]] incorporating traditional design of a ''Fale'']]
The ''la'au fa'alava'', placed horizontally, are attached at their ends to wide strips of wood continuing from the ''faulalo'' to the ''auau''. These wide strips are called ''ivi'ivi''. The ''faulalo'' is a tubular piece (or pieces) of wood about four inches in diameter running around the circumference of the house at the lower extremity of the roof, and is supported on the ''poulalo''. The ''auau'' is one or more pieces of wood of substantial size resting on the top of the ''poutu''. At a distance of about two feet between each are circular pieces of wood running around the house and extending from the ''faulalo'' to the top of the building. They are similar to the ''faulalo''.

The ''poulalo'' are spaced about three to four feet apart and are sunk about two feet in the ground. They average three to four inches in diameter, and extend about five feet above the floor of the ''fale''. The height of the ''poulalo'' above the floor determines the height of the lower extremity of the roof from the ground.

On the framework are attached innumerable ''aso'', thin strips of timber (about half an inch by a quarter by 12 to 25 feet in length). They extend from the ''faulalo'' to the ''ivi'ivi'', and are spaced from one to two inches apart. Attached to these strips at right angles are further strips, ''paeaso'', the same size as ''aso.'' As a result, the roof of the ''fale'' is divided into an enormous number of small squares.<ref name=tp/>

[[File:Samoan house under construction 1914.jpg|right|thumb|''Fale'' under construction, 1914]]
Most of the timber is grown in forests on family land. The timber was cut in the forest and carried to the building site in the village. The heavy work involved the builder's assistants, members of the family and help from the village community. The main posts were from the [[Breadfruit|breadfruit tree]] (''ulu''), or ''ifi lele'' or ''pou muli'' if this wood was not available. The long principal rafters had to be flexible, so [[Coconut palm|coconut]] wood (''niu'') was always selected. The breadfruit tree was also used for other parts of the main framework.

In general, the timbers most frequently used in the construction of Samoan houses are:-
Posts (''poutu'' and ''poulalo''): ''ifi lele'', ''pou muli'', ''asi'', ''ulu'', ''talia'', ''launini'u'' and ''aloalovao''.
''Fau'': ''ulu'', ''fau'', ''niu'', and ''uagani''
''Aso'' and ''paeso'': ''niuvao'', ''ulu'', ''matomo'' and ''olomea''
The ''auau'' and ''talitali'' use ''ulu'' and the ''so'a'' used both ''ulu'' and ''niu''.

[[File:Samoan.village.on.the.Manu’a.Island.Group.Andrew.Thomas 1890-1910.jpg|right|thumb|Samoan ''fale'' in the [[Manu'a]] island group, showing thatched roof and woven ''pola'' blinds, circa 1890 – 1910]]
The completed, domed framework is covered with thatch (''lau'' leaves), which is made by the women. The best quality of thatch is made with the dry leaves of the [[sugarcane]]. If sugarcane leaf was not available, the palm leaves of the coconut tree was used in the same manner. The long, dry leaves are twisted over a three-foot length of ''lafo'', which are then fastened by a thin strip of the frond of the coconut being threaded through the leaves close up to the ''lafo'' stem. These sections of thatch are fastened to the outside of the framework of the ''fale'' beginning at the bottom and working up to the apex. They are overlapped, so each section advances the thatching about three inches. This means there is really a double layer of thatch covering the whole house. The sections are fastened to the ''aso'' at each end by ''afa''.

Provided the best quality of thatch is used and it has been truly laid, it will last about seven years. On an ordinary dwelling house, about 3000 sections of thatch are laid. Protection from sun, wind or rain, as well as from prying eyes, was achieved by suspending from the ''fau'' running round the house several of a sort of drop-down Venetian blind, called ''pola.'' The fronds of the coconut tree are plaited into a kind of mat about a foot wide and three feet long. A sufficient number of ''pola'' to reach from the ground to the top of the ''poulalo'' are fastened together with ''afa'' and are tied up or let down as the occasion demands. Usually, one string of these mats covers the space between two ''poulalo'' and so on round the house. They do not last for long, but being quickly made, are soon replaced. They afford ample protection from the elements, and it being possible to let them down in sections; seldom is the whole house is closed up.

The natural foundations of a ''fale'' site are coral, sand, and lava, with sometimes a few inches of soil in some localities. Drainage is therefore good. The top layers of the flooring are smooth pebbles and stones. When occupied, the house floors are usually covered or partially covered with native mats.

[[File:Round Samoan houses with blue roofs, Lepea village with Mt Vaea beyond.JPG|thumb|right|Round ''fale tele'' in [[Lepea]] village, with [[Mount Vaea]] beyond, the burial place of [[Robert Louis Stevenson]]]]
In [[Samoan mythology]], an explanation of why Samoan houses are round is explained in a story about the god [[Tagaloa]], also known as Tagaloalagi (Tagaloa of the Heavens).

Following is the story, as told by Samoan historian Te'o Tuvale in ''An Account of Samoan History up to 1918''.

*During the time of Tagaloalagi, the houses in Samoa varied in shape, and this led to many difficulties for those who wished to have a house built in a certain manner. Each carpenter was proficient in building a house of one particular shape only, and it was sometimes impossible to obtain the services of the carpenter desired. A meeting of all the carpenters in the country was held to try to decide on some uniform shape. The discussion waxed enthusiastic, and as there seemed no prospect of a decision being arrived at, it was decided to call in the services of Tagaloalagi. After considering the matter, he pointed to the dome of Heaven and to the horizon and he decreed that in future, all houses built would be of that shape, and this explains why all the ends of Samoan houses are as the shape of the heavens extending down to the horizon.<ref name=tp/> An important tree in Samoan architecture is the coconut palm. In Samoan mythology, the first coconut tree is told in a legend called [[Sina and the Eel]].

== Fiji ==
===Traditional architecture (ethno-architecture) of Fiji===
[[Image:Bure of Na Utuutu (Boston. Congregational Publishing Society, 1871).jpg|thumb|left|A ''bure kalou'', a sketch done in the early 1800s.]] 
In Old Fiji, the [[architecture]] of villages was simple and practical to meet the physical and social need and to provide communal safety. The houses were square in shape and with pyramid like shaped roofs,<ref name="Viti 1860, P77">Viti, an account of a Government Mission 1860, P77</ref> and the walls and roof were thatched and various plants of practical use were planted nearby, each village having a meeting house and a Spirit house. The spirit house was elevated on a pyramid like base built with large stones and earth, again a square building with an elongated pyramid like <ref name="Viti 1860, P77"/> roof with various scented [[flora]] planted nearby.

The houses of Chiefs were of similar design and would be set higher than his subjects houses but instead of an elongated roof would have similar roof to those of his subjects homes but of course on a larger scale.

=== Contemporary architecture in Fiji ===
With the introduction of communities from [[Asia]] aspects of their cultural architecture are now evident in urban and rural areas of Fiji's two main Islands [[Viti Levu]] and [[Vanua Levu]]. A village structure shares similarities today but built with modern materials and spirit houses (Bure Kalou) have been replaced by churches of varying design.

The urban landscape of early Colonial Fiji was reminiscent of most British colonies of the 19th and 20th century in tropical regions of the world, while some of this architecture remains, the urban landscape is evolving in leaps and bounds with various modern aspects of architecture and design becoming more and more evident in the [[business]], [[Industrial sector|industrial]] and [[wikt:domestic|domestic]] sector, the rural areas are evolving at a much slower rate.

== Palau ==
===Traditional architecture (ethno-architecture) of Palau===
[[File:Bai er a Ngesechel a Cherechar in Belau National Museum, Koror, Palau (9720085543).jpg|thumb|A bai in [[Belau National Museum]], [[Koror]]]]
In [[Palau]] there are many traditional meeting houses known as ''bais'' or ''abais''.<ref>{{Cite web |date=|title=Bai/Abai|url= https://tekinged.com/?lookup=Abai&direction=pe |access-date=16 July 2021|website=Palauan Language Online}}</ref> In ancient times every village in Palau had a bai as it was the most important building in a village.<ref name="Under Watercolours">{{Cite web |date=|title= The Bais of Belau |url= http://underwatercolours.com/travel-tales/the-palauan-bai |access-date=16 July 2021|website=Under Watercolours }}</ref> At the beginning of the 20th century, more than 100 bais were still in existence in Palau.<ref>{{Cite web |date=|title= 10 Amazing Palau Points of Interest You Should Visit When On Palau |url= https://palaudiveadventures.com/palau-points-of-interest/ |access-date=18 July 2021|website=Palau Dive Adventures }}</ref> In bais governing elders are assigned seats along the walls, according to rank and title.<ref name="Under Watercolours"/> A bai has no dividing walls or furnishing and is decorated with depictions of Palauan legends.<ref name="Under Watercolours"/> Palau's oldest bai is [[Airai Bai]] which is over 100 years old.<ref>{{Cite web |date=|title= Airai Bai |url= https://www.lonelyplanet.com/palau/babeldaob/attractions/airai-bai/a/poi-sig/1520854/362821 |access-date=16 July 2021|website=Lonely Planet }}</ref> Bais feature on the [[Seal of Palau]] and the [[flag of Koror]].<ref>{{Cite web |date=|title=Facts About The Koror State Flag |url= http://www.kororstategov.com/ |access-date=15 July 2021|website=Koror State Government}}</ref>

== United States ==
===Traditional architecture (ethno-architecture) of Hawai'i===
[[Image:Hale o keawe heiau 2.JPG|[[Pu'uhonua o Honaunau National Historical Park#Hale O Keawe heiau|Hale O Keawe]]|thumb|left]]
Within the body of [[Hawaiian architecture|Hawai'ian architecture]] are various subsets of styles; each are considered typical of particular historical periods.  The earliest form of Hawaiian architecture originates from what is called [[Ancient Hawaii|ancient Hawai{{okina}}i]]—designs employed in the construction of village shelters from the simple shacks of outcasts and slaves, huts for the fishermen and canoe builders along the beachfronts, the shelters of the working class ''maka{{okina}}ainana'', the elaborate and sacred ''[[heiau]]'' of ''[[kahuna]]'' and the palatial thatched homes on raised [[basalt]] foundation of the ''[[Ali'i|ali{{okina}}i]]''.  The way a simple grass shack was constructed in ancient Hawai{{okina}}i was telling of who lived in a particular home.  The patterns in which dried plants and [[lumber]] were fashioned together could identify [[caste]], skill and trade, profession and wealth.  Hawaiian architecture previous to the arrival of [[Kingdom of Great Britain|British]] explorer [[Captain (Royal Navy)|Captain]] [[James Cook]] used symbolism to identify religious value of the inhabitants of certain structures.  Feather standards called ''kahili'' and ''[[Acacia koa|koa]]'' adorned with ''[[kapa]]'' cloth and crossed at the entrance of certain homes called ''pulo{{okina}}ulo{{okina}}u'' indicated places of ''ali{{okina}}i'' ([[nobility]] caste). ''[[Tiki|Ki{{okina}}i]]'' enclosed within basalt walls indicated the homes of ''kahuna'' (priestly caste).

===Puebloan architecture===
[[File:Adobe pueblo revival.jpg|[[Puebloans|Pueblo]] style building in [[Santa Fe, New Mexico]]|thumb|right]]
{{See also|Pueblo Revival architecture}}
Pueblo-style architecture imitates the appearance of traditional [[Pueblo people|Pueblo]] [[adobe]] construction, though other materials such as [[brick]] or [[concrete]] are often substituted. If adobe is not used, rounded corners, irregular [[parapet]]s, and thick, [[Batter (walls)|battered]] walls are used to simulate it. Walls are usually [[stucco]]ed and painted in earth tones. Multistory buildings usually employ stepped massing similar to that seen at [[Taos Pueblo]]. Roofs are always flat. Common features of the Pueblo Revival style include projecting wooden roof [[Beam (structure)|beams]] or ''[[Viga (architecture)|vigas]]'', which sometimes serve no structural purpose{{ref|whiffen-1}}, "corbels", curved—often stylized—beam supports and ''latillas'', which are peeled branches or strips of wood laid across the tops of vigas to create a foundation (usually supporting dirt or clay) for a roof.<ref>Virginia Grattan. ''Mary Colter Builder Upon the Red Earth'', 1980.</ref><ref>Arnold Berke, ''Mary Colter Architect of the Southwest,'' 2002.</ref>

==Philippines==

===Traditional architecture (ethno-architecture) of the Philippines===
[[File:Palawan_-_Tropical_Hut.jpg|right|thumb|A nipa hut in Palawan]]
[[File:House in suburbs of Manila, 1899.jpg|right|thumb|Native house in suburbs of Manila, 1899]]

The '''Bahay Kubo''', '''Kamalig''', or '''Nipa Hut''', is a type of [[stilt house]] indigenous to most of the lowland cultures of the [[Philippines]].<ref>Lee, Jonathan H. X.. ''Encyclopedia of Asian American folklore and folklife'', Vol. 1. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2011. 369. {{ISBN|0313350663}}</ref><ref name="Caruncho">{{cite news
 | last = Caruncho
 | first = Eric S. 
 | title = Green by Design: Sustainable Living through Filipino Architecture
 | newspaper = [[Philippine Daily Inquirer]]
 | location = [[Makati]], [[Philippines]]
 | publisher = Philippine Daily Inquirer, Inc.
 | date = 2012-05-15
 | url =http://lifestyle.inquirer.net/46495/green-by-design-sustainable-living-through-filipino-architecture
 | access-date = 2013-10-16 }}</ref>  It often serves as an icon of broader Filipino culture, or, more specifically, Filipino rural culture.<ref name="toronto">{{cite news
 |last         = Cruz
 |first        = Rachelle
 |title        = The Bayanihan: Art Installation at Daniel Spectrum
 |newspaper    = The Philippine Reporter
 |location     = Toronto, Ontario, Canada
 |date         = 2013-08-23
 |url          = http://philippinereporter.com/2013/08/23/young-artists-rediscover-ideology-behind-bahay-kubo/
 |access-date  = 2013-10-16
 |archive-date = 2013-10-21
 |archive-url  = https://web.archive.org/web/20131021024906/http://philippinereporter.com/2013/08/23/young-artists-rediscover-ideology-behind-bahay-kubo/
 |url-status   = dead
}}</ref>

[[File:Bahay Kubo Iao Valley Maui Hawaii.jpg|thumb|Bahay Kubo (Nipa Hut) at Kepaniwai Park, Iao Valley, Maui, Hawaii]]
Although there is no strict definition of the Bahay Kubo and styles of construction vary throughout the Philippine archipelago,<ref name="alojado">{{cite web
 | last = Alojado
 | first = Jennibeth Montejo 
 | title =From Nipa Hut to House of Stone
 | work = philippine-islands.ph
 | publisher= Alojado Publishing International
 | url = http://www.philippine-islands.ph/en/from_nipa_hut_to_house_of_stone-aid_21.html
 | access-date = 2013-10-16
 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20110703013308/http://www.philippine-islands.ph/en/from_nipa_hut_to_house_of_stone-aid_21.html
 | url-status = dead
 | archive-date =2011-07-03}}</ref> similar conditions in Philippine lowland areas have led to numerous characteristics "typical" of examples of Bahay Kubo.
[[File:Philippinen_basilan_seezigeuner_ph04p69.jpg|right|thumb|Modern [[Bajau]] stilt houses over the sea in [[Basilan]], southern Philippines]]
With few exceptions arising only in modern times, most Bahay Kubo are raised on stilts such that the living area has to be accessed through ladders.  This naturally divides the bahay kubo into three areas: the actual living area in the middle, the area beneath it (referred to in [[Tagalog language|Tagalog]] as the "''Silong''"), and the roof space ("''Bubungan''" in Tagalog), which may or may not be separated from the living area by a ceiling ("''Kisame''" in Tagalog).

[[File:Stilt_house_at_Kalibo,_Aklan,_Philippines.jpg|thumb|Stilt house in [[Kalibo]]]]

The traditional roof shape of the Bahay Kubo is tall and steeply pitched, ending in long eaves.<ref name="Caruncho"/>  A tall roof created space above the living area through which warm air could rise, giving the Bahay Kubo a natural cooling effect even during the hot summer season.  The steep pitch allowed water to flow down quickly at the height of the monsoon season while the long eaves gave people a limited space to move about around the house's exterior whenever it rained.<ref name="Caruncho"/>  The steep pitch of the roofs are often used to explain why many Bahay Kubo survived the ash fall from the Mt. Pinatubo eruption, when more ’modern’ houses notoriously collapsed from the weight of the ash.<ref name="Caruncho"/>

Raised up on hardwood stilts which serve as the main posts of the house, Bahay Kubo have a ''Silong'' (the Tagalog word also means "shadow") area under the living space for a number of reasons, the most important of which are to create a buffer area for rising waters during floods, and to prevent pests such as rats from getting up to the living area.<ref name="Caruncho"/> This section of the house is often used for storage, and sometimes for raising farm animals,<ref name="alojado"/> and thus may or may not be fenced off.

The main living area of the Bahay Kubo is designed to let in as much fresh air and natural light as possible.  Smaller Bahay Kubo will often have bamboo slat floors which allow cool air to flow into the living space from the silong below (in which case the Silong is not usually used for items which produce strong smells), and the particular Bahay Kubo may be built without a ''kisame'' (ceiling) so that hot air can rise straight into the large area just beneath the roof, and out through strategically placed vents there.

The walls are always of light material such as wood, bamboo rods, or bamboo mats called "[[sawali]]." As such, they tend to also let some coolness flow naturally through them during hot times, and keep warmth in during the cold wet season. The cube shape distinctive of the Bahay Kubo arises from the fact that it is easiest to pre-build the walls and then attach them to the wooden stilt-posts that serve as the corners of the house.  The construction of a Bahay Kubo is therefore usually modular, with the wooden stilts established first, a floor frame built next, then wall frames, and finally, the roof.

In addition, bahay kubo are typically built with large windows, to let in more air and natural light. The most traditional are large awning windows, held open by a wooden rod.<ref name="Caruncho" /> Sliding windows are also common, made either with plain wood or with wooden [[Windowpane oyster|Capiz shell]] frames, which allow some light to enter the living area even with the windows closed. In more recent decades inexpensive [[jalousie window]]s also became commonly used. In larger examples, the large upper windows may be augmented with smaller windows called ''[[Ventanilla (Philippine architecture)|ventanillas]]'' (Spanish for "little window) underneath, which can be opened to let in additional air, especially hot days.<ref name="Caruncho"/>

Some (but not all) Bahay Kubo, especially one built for long-term residence, feature a ''Batalan'' "wet area" distinct from other sections of the house – usually jutting out somewhat from one of the walls. Sometimes at the same level as the living area and sometimes at ground level, the Batalan can contain any combination of cooking and dishwashing area, bathing area, and in some cases, a lavatory.

The walls of the living area are made of light materials – with posts, walls, and floors typically made of wood or bamboo and other light materials. Topped by a thatched roof, often made out of [[Nypa fruticans|nipa]], [[Arecaceae|anahaw]] or some other locally plentiful plant. The [[Filipino language|Filipino]] term "Bahay Kubo" literally means "cube house", describing the shape of the dwelling.  The term "Nipa Hut", introduced during the Philippines' [[History of the Philippines (1898–1946)|American colonial era]], refers to the nipa or anahaw thatching material often used for the roofs.

Nipa huts were the native houses of the indigenous people of the Philippines before the [[History of the Philippines (1521–1898)|Spaniards]] arrived. They are still used today, especially in rural areas. Different architectural designs are present among the different ethnolinguistic groups in the country, although all of them conform to being [[stilt houses]], similar to those found in neighboring countries such as [[Indonesia]], [[Malaysia]], and other countries of [[Southeast Asia]]. The advent of the Spanish Colonial era introduced the idea of building more permanent communities with the Church and Government Center as a focal point.  This new community setup made construction using heavier, more permanent materials desirable.  Finding European construction styles impractical given local conditions, both Spanish and Filipino builders quickly adapted the characteristics of the Bahay Kubo and applied it to Antillean houses locally known as ''Bahay na Bato'' (Literally "''stone house''" in Tagalog).<ref name="alojado"/>
{{-}}

==See also==
*[[Goahti]]
*[[Hogan]]
*[[Lavvu]]
*[[Tipi]]
*[[Wigwam]]
*[[Yaranga]]

== References ==
{{Reflist}}

== External links ==
*[http://www.architecture.com.au/ Australian Institute of Architects (AIA)]
*[http://architectureau.com/ ArchitectureAU – online repository of ''Architecture Australia'', the magazine of the Australian Institute of Architects]
* [http://www.vernarch.com/ Center for Vernacular Architecture-Bangalore-India]
* [http://www.vernaculararchitectureforum.org Vernacular Architecture Forum] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210211051342/http://www.vernaculararchitectureforum.org/ |date=2021-02-11 }}
* [http://www.greatbuildings.com/architects/Vernacular.html Vernacular Architecture Examples at GreatBuildings]
* [http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/ENVI/vernacular.html Vernacular Architecture and Landscape Architecture Research Guide] – Environmental Design Library, University of California, Berkeley
* [http://www.himalayan-architecture.net/ Himalayan Vernacular Architecture – Technische Universität Berlin]

{{tents}}
{{Huts}}
{{Native american styles}}

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[[Category:Vernacular architecture| Indigenous]]
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