Английская Википедия:First Textbook War

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Шаблон:Short description

Файл:Mgr Isoard.jpg
Mgr. Isoard, Bishop of Annecy, is one of the main protagonists in the "Textbook War".

The first Textbook War was an education-related conflict in France between 1882 and 1883, after the secularization of primary education materials by the Ferry law on March 28, 1882.

The conflict focused on four civics textbooks designated for use in the recently established secular school system. These books were accused of promoting moral relativism, disregarding the principle of school neutrality, and presenting an unfavorable image of the Catholic Church. During this controversy, the Church aimed to launch a defense campaign against the Ferry Law. This law eliminated the catechism from schools and substituted it with "moral and civic instruction" classes detailed in article 1 of elementary school curricula.

The so-called "textbook war" led to a national-level conflict between the government, prefects, and the French episcopate, and a local-level[1] dispute between specific priests, teachers, and mayors. On the part of the Catholic clergy, it resulted in the confiscation of secular morality books[2] and refusal of sacraments to urge the faithful to pull their children out of "unfavorable schools". The Ministry of Religious Affairs utilized the Concordat of 1801 to halt the salaries of the most obstinate clerics.

However, the tensions were not universal throughout France and decreased with Jules Ferry's return to the presidency of the Conseil, together with the appeasement of Pope Leo XIII and the more moderate bishops. Thus, the "first textbook war" differed from the much more severe "second textbook war" that occurred twenty-five years later during the 1907-1914 school war.

Context

From the Guizot law to the Ferry laws

Since 1833, the Шаблон:Ill has regulated primary public education. Schoolchildren received an education that included moral and religious instruction under the aegis of the State, the communes, and the Church, each with its own prerogatives.

However, the advent of the Third Republic quickly disrupted this state of affairs. In fact, the Republic was largely constructed in opposition to the Catholic Church, which was politically aligned with the Legitimist and Bonapartist movements. The constitutional laws enacted in 1875 and the resolution of the crisis on May 16, 1877, in favor of the Republicans established the regime. On May 4, 1877, Gambetta identified the Catholic Church as the adversary to be defeated.

Шаблон:Blockquote

The struggle against clericalism served as a driving force and a unifying element for the Republicans.[3] Consequently, the implementation of the anticlerical policy gained traction, beginning with the initial Шаблон:Ill.

Subsequently, the Jules Ferry laws addressed the issue of education. The 1881 law, which mandated primary education for all and made it free, helped to extend educational opportunities to all social classes and to mitigate child labor. As for the 1882 law, it secularized the primary education content in public schools.[4] The teaching staff was only secularized four years later with the Goblet law.[5]

Other aspects of the school issue

As the conflict occurred alongside the introduction of several secular anti-clerical laws, it cannot be solely attributed to school textbooks. The textbooks represent the culmination of a broader struggle that addressed various concerns,[6] including curricula, textbooks, teaching staff and their status, premises, and more. The significance of this opposition is the result of its diversity and intensity. The diversity and intensity of this opposition left a lasting impact on the memory of French society.[6] The term "textbook war" was seldom used by the quarrel's protagonists, who viewed the controversial textbooks as a mere pretext for a larger struggle revolving around the school and ultimately, the political system of the Republic.[7] Civic education emphasizes a nationwide narrative glorifying the French Revolution as the pinnacle of the Third Republic's virtues. In the 19th century, the distribution of Abbé Loriquet's Шаблон:Lang in Catholic institutions caused controversy between legitimists and liberals regarding the portrayal of Napoleon Bonaparte.[7]

Ultimately, conflicts over school books cannot simply be reduced to a dichotomy between two educational systems, as they also reflect larger trends in political life. Set against a backdrop of national and international events, textbooks reflect complex currents of thought that blend religious convictions with the political and social opinions of a country marked by the defeat in 1871.[8] Beyond the emergence of secular morality, the use of textbooks in elementary schools to instill patriotic spirits in younger generations also pits proponents of teaching the cult of fatherland and national values against advocates of pacifism.[7]

Development

Beginnings of the conflict

Файл:Bélier Freppel.jpg
Anticlerical cartoon from 1881 depicting Mgr. Freppel confronting Jules Ferry.

From the beginning, the Catholic right strongly opposed the Ferry laws. Mgr. Freppel, who was the bishop of Angers and a member of parliament for Finistère, spoke out against state-run education in the Chamber of Deputies. He believed that it was "useless, ineffective, and tended towards state socialism". Similarly, Louis Veuillot's Шаблон:Lang, led conservative press denounced the "school revolution" brought about by these "scurrilous laws," which resulted in the January 11, 1883 decree condemning the four textbooks. The crisis was triggered and the controversy reignited by the practical application of the March 28, 1882 law. As a result, civic instruction textbooks were drafted, replacing those on religious morality. In the late 19th century, some writers associated with the free-thinking movement expressed anti-Catholic views.[4]

Political scientist Yves Déloye reports that the controversy over textbooks began in late December 1879, when Deputy Paul BertШаблон:Refn presented a report on primary education reform to the Chamber of Deputies, as per Jules Ferry's request. In his view, future citizens should have the ability to attain "all basic knowledge in the field of positive sciences, devoid of any religious presumptions or dogmatic instruction." A textbook authored by the same Paul Bert - and suggested as an addendum to republican school laws and decrees - affirmatively declared positivism's resistance to religious education.[9]

Lenten pastoral commandments

The bishops quickly responded to the second Ferry law. For Lent 1882, eighty-eight episcopal Шаблон:Ills condemned the law's provisions and urged parents to enroll their children in free Catholic schools. These statements were occasionally read during Sunday sermons for the faithful. The tone varied based on the bishop and ranged from religious defense to anti-Republican criticism or moderation.[10]

In his "Шаблон:Lang," Bishop Mgr. Perraud of Autun-Chalon-Mâcon invites the clergy to explain the political situation with moderation, avoiding attacks on the teaching system and civil servants responsible for its administration. "It is primarily a matter of aiding and motivating parents to fulfill all of their legal obligations and not overlook any of their rights concerning their children.[10]

Cardinal Guibert, along with others, composed a letter to all the teachers in his district, urging them to exercise circumspection and rationality amidst political discord."[10]

Other bishops were stauncher; In his mandement on Christian education, Mgr. Шаблон:Ill, bishop of Troyes, urged families to be watchful: "We are attacking childhood and those entrusted with its education to accomplish our diabolical objective of de-Christianizing the individual, the family, and France more effectively."[11] Finally, there were some manuals that were preemptively condemned for inciting irreligion. One such example is Mgr. Шаблон:Ill, the Bishop of Aire, who criticized Gabriel Compayré's manual. Another example is Mgr. de La Foata, the Bishop of Ajaccio, who wrote about this issue during Lent in 1882ː[12]

Шаблон:Blockquote

Textbook selection by the commissions

Файл:Emile Keller.jpg
Émile Keller, president of the primary education committee of the Шаблон:Ill, a conservative association campaigning against the secularization of the French education system.[13]

The initial step in enacting the March 28, 1882 law was to choose new textbooks on morality. School commissions, directed by the June 16, 1880 decree, were tasked by the lawmakers with this responsibility.[14]

Several Catholic bishops encouraged their followers to participate in these commissions to influence textbook selection in order to protect Catholic interests. Their objective was to maintain references to Catholic morality or prevent subversion of Catholic doctrine in the textbooks.[15] On the contrary, Paul Bert, who served as the Minister of Public Instruction, advocated the use of secular morality textbooks over those written by Catholics. This solidified the exclusion of denominational teaching from schools as part of the secularization process. As a result, textbooks became a contentious issue that stirred up strong emotions in 1882 French society.[6]

Despite the Société générale d'éducation et d'enseignement offering support for the bishops' actions, Catholic efforts yielded limited results. Initially, cantonal school commissions, composed of teachers who could receive families' grievances, developed a list. However, the Шаблон:Ill oversaw a departmental commission, staffed by teacher-training college instructors, which provided additional assistance. This secondary level of control significantly restricts the impact of parents. For instance, the Jura Department Commission removes textbooks from Catholic publishers from its list, even if two cantonal commissions considered them.[16] Nonetheless, in some areas, public education officials partially acquiesced to Catholic requests. Eure-et-Loir resolved to employ solely the second edition of Paul Bert's Шаблон:Lang. In Pas-de-Calais, the Inspector of the Académie decided not to circulate any books on morality during the 1882–1883 school year. Similarly, in Finistère, Gard, Ille-et-Vilaine, Indre-et-Loire, Meurthe-et-Moselle, and Vienne, Paul Bert's textbook was restricted by some teachers who believed it to be too provocative.[17]

The school boards' scope of responsibility was significantly limited as per the circular issued on June 13, 1882. This resulted in a removal of their control and inspection rights. As a consequence of this limitation, priests were no longer offered a seat on the boards.[18]

The "56 Manifesto

Catholic politicians opposed the March 28 law. Fifty-six deputies from the intransigent right signed a manifesto on March 31, 1882, drafted by Mgr. Freppel. They protested against the abolition of religious education in schools, considering the law a misfortune for France. They reserved the right to repeal it at a later date and pledged to assist parents whose children might receive teaching that offended their faith.[9]

The Catholic CirclesШаблон:Refn expressed support for resistance and the abolition of the law. On July 9, 1882, in Bordeaux, Albert de Mun and other prominent figures demanded disobedience and spoke against Шаблон:Lang.[18]

Roman authorities showed a conciliatory response. Despite his public statements, Jules Ferry also refrained from action.[18] Indeed, on July 27, 1882, he signed the decree that organized the pedagogy and curriculum of elementary school, with the section on moral education including "duties towards God" (reported in the Journal officiel on August 2, 1882).[18] After this act of goodwill, opposition appeared to diminish until a decree from the Congregation of the Index resulted in the textbook crisis.[19]

Indexing of four morality textbooks

As the choice of textbooks for French schools in 1882-1883 was determined by excluding Catholics, textbooks written by freethinkers or promoting rationalism in moral matters were introduced. These textbooks mainly focused on four themes: Шаблон:Lang (duties to God were eventually eliminated from the curriculum in 1923), Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang, and Шаблон:Lang. This duty-based morality was influenced by Kantian morality, which was taught by Victor Cousin at the Sorbonne.[20]

Complaints arose from the Catholic hierarchy, leading twenty French bishops to bring the matter to the attention of the Congregation of the Index.[21] Simultaneously, the bishops of Saint-Dié, Aix-en-Provence, Tulle, and Moulins unilaterally denounced Шаблон:Lang on October 18, 1882, without awaiting the Holy See's decision.[22]

On December 15, 1882, the Congregation issued a decree denouncing four morality textbooks.[21] Besides Mme Gréville, the authors of the listed books had significant political involvement, and their publication aimed to serve both militant and pedagogical purposes.[20]

  • Шаблон:Lang, written by Paul Bert,Шаблон:Refn portrays the Catholic Church as closely linked to the tyranny of the Ancien Régime and its crushing tax system.[23] The French Revolution represents a founding event that liberated France from an all-powerful Church. The chapter concludes with a prayer, using religious language to ironically bless the Revolution.[20] Finally, the author stigmatizes religious beliefs as "superstitions" in several instances,[24] including the foreword of Шаблон:Lang, written by Gabriel Compayré, deputy of the Tarn region. The foreword critiques miracles and questions the existence of the supernatural.[20]
  • Шаблон:Lang, written by Gabriel Compayré, deputy of the Tarn. In this work, the author presents a spiritual perspective on the existence of God and the immortality of the soul, positioning himself outside of any established religion and rejecting any religious rituals or dogmas. Instead, the author emphasizes the importance of moral duty.[23] Religious marriage, for instance, is portrayed as a matter of choice.[20]
  • Шаблон:Lang, by Jules Steeg, former Protestant pastor turned deist, deputy for Gironde and general inspector of primary education. The primary critique aimed at this textbook by Catholics is its defense of freedom of belief, relegation of religion to a private matter, and denial of the necessity for religious authority.[20] The presentation of French history similarly lacks balance, with the author accusing Louis XVI of conspiring against the Republic, but failing to mention his death or the resulting Terror.[20]
  • Шаблон:Lang, by Mme Gréville (her real name was Alice Marie Céleste Fleury). This guidebook for young girls emphasizes the values of politeness, modesty, and responsibility. However, it is noteworthy that the name of God is absent, unlike in the three previous editions.[20]

In regards to the four manuals mentioned above, they are condemned by the Catholic Church and are therefore forbidden to be read. The decree from the Congregation provides specific steps for Catholics to follow regarding these booksː[21]

Шаблон:Blockquote

The publishers of the banned textbooks arose during the Third Republic, positioning themselves close to those in power, driven by their desire to publish Republican representatives and bolster the Ferry legislation.[20]

In response to the four blacklisted books, the clergy proposed religious texts, catechisms, and instructional manuals. J. Pégat's civics textbook, "Шаблон:Lang"; textbooks published by Mame, Eugène Ardant (who published a series of primers), Barbou (who published a series of moral tales), Шаблон:Ill and his numerous reading methods. With the secularization of schools, these publishers lost their exclusive control over school books. They were replaced by large republican school publishers who took over the market and emerged as the winners of this textbook war.[20]

Government response

Файл:Émile Flourens.jpg
Émile Flourens, Director of Religious Affairs from July 1879 to 1885.[25]

On January 10 and 11, 1883, the Congregation issued a decree which was published in the Catholic daily L'Univers and scheduled to be read from the pulpit a few days later. However, the government acted swiftly and forbade the reading of the decree in parishes. The Director of Religious Affairs, Émile Flourens, cited the rule that all papal bulls require validation by a decree of the Council of State before being published in France.[21]

Five bishops, including Mgr. Isoard of Annecy, Mgr. Шаблон:Ill of Valence, Mgr. Шаблон:Ill, Archbishop of Albi, Mgr. Шаблон:Ill of Langres, and Mgr. Шаблон:Ill of Viviers, declined to comply[26] with the government's measure and devised mandates to have them read in churches under their authority. Some others opted for evasive allusions or made general recommendations to circumvent the government's directive. The government suspended the salaries of clergy who disregarded government directives, taking advantage of the fact that Catholic clergy were paid by the State under the Шаблон:Ill. The prefects instigated the processing of 2,000 suspensions of salary by the Шаблон:Lang -recently purged of its members suspected of clericalism- and affected five rebellious bishops,[27] including Mgr. Isoard, who was condemned for his pastoral letter of January 21, 1883.[28]

Local tensions

Constant mobilization

The press played a crucial role in publicizing the conflict and relaying legislative developments, while also provoking controversies through the contributions of columnists. Advocacy for resistance was a recurring theme in the conservative and Catholic press.[29] Additionally, local parish bulletins and the Шаблон:Lang of the different dioceses reflected their continuous preoccupation with the secularization of schools.[30] The press campaign peaks once the Index decree is released, as newspapers serve as the main medium for the Holy See to convey its position to the Catholic population. Articles showcasing Catholic or Republican reactions become more plentiful, further inflaming the ideological struggle.[21]

Bishops implored parents and educators to utilize alternative textbooks and surrender prohibited literature to the parish priest for disposal.[26] These exhortations were executed: textbooks were confiscated or destroyed en masse locally, and recalcitrant families were denied the sacraments, especially First Communion, by the parish priest, based on the bishops' recommendation. A report by the Prefect of the Drôme disclosed the following statements attributed to Mgr. Cotton:[31]

Шаблон:Blockquote

During the months leading up to this Catholic rite of passage, families become especially receptive to the clergy's guidance, resulting in a higher frequency of incidents. The clergy's influence is felt not only during catechism sessions, but also through the confessional, primarily impacting mothers who tend to be more attuned to religious matters than fathers.[32]

While the Шаблон:Lang supported the movement, it remained more moderate than Шаблон:Lang and refrained from endorsing civil disobedience or school strikes.[12]

A strong regional character

Political scientist Yves Déloye has created two maps illustrating the resistance by department, without subjective evaluations.[33] There is a growing number of incidents, with a radicalization of the conflict occurring in Ariège, Doubs, Drôme, Gers, Gironde, Landes, Haute-Marne, Pyrénées-Orientales, Tarn, Var, and Vosges. The most impacted dioceses (Albi, Annecy, Tulle, and Valence) are impacted as a result of the impetus given by their bishops[27] or the intense militancy from the lower clergy.[34][27]

Notables in some French regions supported the actions of the Catholic hierarchy and involved their clients in the resistance. The mayor of Luzé, in Indre-et-Loire, was identified by the prefect as one responsible for local unrest. The commune of Luzé, which has 429 inhabitants, is considered one of the most conservative and backward in the department. The movement is heavily influenced by a mayor and a minister who are among the most dedicated and zealous members of the clerical-monarchical party.[35]

It is interesting to observe that regions with established free schools, such as Brittany, Indre-et-Loire and Vendée, have not been significantly impacted by this movement. In fact, teachers in these regions have opted to implement the 1882 law with caution to prevent students from leaving secular schools in favor of Congregational schools. This was not a mere fear - it was a reality. The decrease in enrollment in certain villages within Tarn was shockingly high: "At Saint-Sernin-lès-Lavaur, only one pupil remained out of 31; at Saint-Jean-de-Marcel, only 4 out of 68; at Maurens-Scopont, only 12 out of 43; at Montredon, only 10 out of 51..". Interestingly, in regions with a strong Congregationalist presence, the use of condemned textbooks was circumvented. The Inspector of the Indre-et-Loire Academy documented the situation within his department:[36]

Шаблон:Blockquote

Gradual appeasement

Файл:Jules Ferry Nadar.jpg
Jules Ferry, once again Шаблон:Ill from February 1883 to March 1885, photograph by Nadar.

Although there are high tensions in certain areas, they are not prevalent across the country. Numerous bishops are handling the decree with caution and moderation or not enforcing it altogether.[27] As per political scientist Yves Déloye, only 6% of communes experienced significant mobilization.[37]

A discussion between Leo XIII and Jules Ferry commenced via the nuncio, Mgr. Camillo Siciliano di Rende, and the ambassador, Шаблон:Ill.[38] Léon XIII diplomatically restrained the Church's most radical supporters.[39] Émile Flourens, through negotiations with the Holy See, issued a directive on June 30, 1883, prolonging the prohibition of salaries and urging all relevant clergy to engage in talks with the government. Out of the initial 2,000 suspensions, only 500 were affirmed by the Conseil d'État,[27] which included that of Mgr. Isoard.[28]

Finally, Jules Ferry urged schoolteachers to practice restraint in November 1883. It is worth noting that he was not the President of the council during the passing of the secular law in the prior year under the Шаблон:Ill administration: Шаблон:Blockquote The correspondence did not receive the unanimous consent of the government majority and attracted censuring remarks from the most extremist Republicans and Ferdinand Buisson. Nevertheless, the temperance exhibited by the secular school proponent facilitated the normalization of the circumstance, slowly concluding the crisis.[27]

Raisons de la condamnation des manuels

The mobilization regarding textbooks indicates that "education is now a privileged terrain for observing society's profound forces, the weightiness of traditions, and the desire for innovation and alignment with contemporary morals," as Шаблон:Ill suggests.[40] Catholic elites, who frequently monitor textbook content, point out two issues with the criticized educational materials: anti-religious sentiment and morality that lacks religious references.[30]

Anticlericalism

Photographie en couleurs de la statue en bronze de Paul Bert à Auxerre.
Statue of Paul Bert in Auxerre. Paul Bert was Minister of Public Instruction in the Шаблон:Ill (November 14, 1881 - January 22, 1882).

Historian René Rémond's definition of anticlericalism is as follows: "Anticlericalism suspends judgment and can be combined with metaphysical negation (in the case of Marxist socialism) or go hand in hand with a profession of deist faith. It does not imply irreligion but rather seeks to limit the influence of religion, especially of the clergy, within certain bounds. Rémond believes that religions should remain within the private sphere."[41]

The textbooks' anti-clericalism can be explained by Paul Bert and the Radical Republicans'[42] need for replacing the clergy or Congregation's predominant influence on young people with a strictly Republican influence.[43] During a speech on August 19, 1880, in Auxerre, Paul Bert emphasized that "this is our secular Church, where scientific and demonstrable truths are taught, where civic virtues and the religion of the Fatherland are taught."[44] Jules Ferry's government believed that the influence of the clergy was an inappropriate interference in the Republic. The State's anti-clericalism was based on the view that "all religion is destined to degenerate into clericalism". This stance was upheld by certain Шаблон:Ill, such as the Шаблон:Ill who adopted a traditionalist, ultramontane approach. This view was championed by parliamentarians, including the influential Mgr. Félix Dupanloup the Senate.[45]

According to a contemporary Catholic author, the condemnation of four textbooks reflected an anti-clericalism that was evident in the criticism of Catholicism's historical actions: Шаблон:Blockquote

The disappearance of God in morality

M. Herbelot, who investigated on behalf of the Archdiocese of Paris, notes in his report that several republican textbooks, including Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang, "remain[ed] foreign to any religious or supernatural notion" and that their "moral teaching [was] singularly inadequate" in its omission of duties to God.[30] Catholic elites view civic education as replacing the catechism would create a "school without God". According to the Catholic newspaper La Croix:[6] Шаблон:Blockquote

The teaching of secular morality in public was perceived as an anti-religious effort. On April 10, 1883, Mgr. Шаблон:Ill wrote to Jules Ferry, citing from Gabriel Compayré's textbook: "When Georges was asked where he found the strength he needed to fulfill all these duties, he always replied: 'In the feeling of my personal dignity,'" and added the following commentary: "The belief in the constant need for God's assistance, in grace, cannot be more completely rejected." The author's intention of the entire work is to make religion irrelevant and replace God with man.[46]

In his research on secular textbooks from 1870 to 1885, political scientist Шаблон:Ill found that condemned textbooks only dedicated 2%Шаблон:Refn of their pages to religious topics, and relegated those chapters to the end of the books, demonstrating their secondary importance in secular morality.[47]

The proponents of positivism base their morality on science. They argue that science frees children's moral duties from religion.[48] For instance, Jules Payot, former Rector at the French Academy of Education, affirmed thatː[49] "Morality is a science with an obviousness similar to that of geometry[..]. It is necessary to demonstrate, unequivocally, the importance of duties toward parents and the responsibility to work." This is the reason why Mgr. Шаблон:Ill observesː[50] "Children will comprehend that God does not have a place in moral teachings because Religion is viewed as a solely human construct, consisting of incompatible superstitions with the enlightenment that science offers."

State atheism

The bishops' defense argued for the neutrality of schools, but opposed atheism by suggesting that any book that undermined religion should be banned, as religious books already had been by the government.[20]

Senator Victor Schoelcher's declaration of atheism during debates on the secularism law on March 23, 1882,[20][51] bolstered the sense of secularism opposing faith in God. The Bishop of Tours referred to Schoelcher's declaration of atheism in his circular letter.[20][52]

These tensions led Minister Jules Ferry to pledge to protect the faith of students: "Any teacher," the Minister added, "who would cause harm to the religious beliefs of their pupils through their instruction should anticipate severe punishment."[20]

Subsequent developments

The initial conflict over textbooks culminated in a compromise,[19] yet it contained all the underlying tensions that would subsequently surface during the school war (1907-1914).

While periodic unrest persisted in French society, Jules Ferry's school remained relatively uncontroversial between 1884 and 1886. In 1886, the school question resurfaced with debates that resulted in the passing of the Шаблон:Ill. This law completed the secularization of the school system, as it denied religious individuals the opportunity to teach in public schools. Some viewed this as an infringement on individual rights and a violation of freedom of education.[5]

Once the moderate Republicans' secularism was firmly established, the Radicals and Radical-Socialists - from the left of the Chamber of Deputies - came to power in 1902 and rekindled the school debate. These individuals, who were more committed to anti-clericalism than Jules Ferry and were influenced by Freemasonry, sought to further the de-Christianization of French society.[53] The outcome was the 1904 law that eliminated teaching congregations and the 1905 French law on the Separation of the Churches and the State. This retreat in Catholic doctrine's influence led to the Шаблон:Ill, commencing with the Morizot affair and concluding in a lengthier, more violent war concerning textbooks.[12]

Bibliography

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  • (fr) Louis Capéran, Histoire de la laïcité républicaine, t. III: La laïcité en marche, Paris, Nouvelles Éditions Latines, 1961, 328 p. (read online archive), chap. 2 and 3.
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  • (fr) Jean-François Condette, "Les deux "guerres" des manuels scolaires dans le Nord et le Pas-de-Calais (1882-1883 et 1908–1910)", in Éducation, Religion, Laïcité (xvie-xxe s.). Continuités, tensions et ruptures dans la formation des élèves et des enseignants, Publications de l’Institut de recherches historiques du Septentrion, coll. "Histoire et littérature du Septentrion (IRHiS)", 2010, 552 p. (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive), p. 407–459.
  • (fr) Pierre Chevallier, La séparation de l’Église et de l’école: Jules Ferry et Léon XIII, Paris, Fayard, 1981
  • (fr) Yves Déloye, chap. V "Les guerres scolaires", in École et citoyenneté: l’individualisme républicain de Jules Ferry à Vichy: controverses, Paris, Presses de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 1994 (Шаблон:ISBN, Шаблон:OCLC, read online archive), p. 199-286.
    • From La citoyenneté au miroir de l'école républicaine et de ses contestations: politique et religion en France xixe - xxe siècle, thesis for the doctorate in political science directed by Pierre Birnbaum and defended at Panthéon-Sorbonne University on November 26, 1991, 2 vols. 906 pp.
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    • p. 35.
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    • p. 37-38.
  • (fr) Alain Mougniotte, chap. IV "L'adoption de la loi et son écho", in Les débuts de l'instruction civique en France, Presses universitaires de Lyon, 1991 (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive), p. 53-65.
  • (fr) Mona Ozouf, L’École, l’Église et la République 1871-1914, Paris, Seuil, coll. "Points Sagesses", 1992 (réimpr. 2007) (1st ed. 1982), 259 p. (Шаблон:ISBN).
  • (fr) Philippe Rosset, "Les débuts de la laïcité scolaire et l’affaire des Manuels dans les Pyrénées-Orientales (1882-1883)", Annales du Midi, no 167, July-September 1984, p. 285-300.
  • (fr) Éric Walter and Claude Lelièvre, La presse picarde, mémoire de la République: Luttes de mémoire et guerres scolaires à travers la presse de la Somme (1876-1914), Amiens, Centre universitaire de recherche sociologique, coll. "Cahiers du CURSA" (no 12), 1983, 160 p. (Шаблон:ISSN).
  • (fr) Jean-Noël Jeanneney, "La guerre des Manuels scolaires", Le Monde, 29 August 1987.

Notes

Шаблон:Reflist

References

  1. Déloye 1994, § 6.
  2. Déloye 1994, note 63 (sur Cairn.info).
  3. Mougniotte 1991, § 28.
  4. 4,0 4,1 Condette 2010, § 3.
  5. 5,0 5,1 (fr) Bernard Ménager, "Tensions et conflits entre l’État et les communes du département du Nord lors des laïcisations d’écoles primaires publiques (1886-1900)", in Éducation, Religion, Laïcité (xvie-xxe s.). Continuités, tensions et ruptures dans la formation des élèves et des enseignants, Publications de l’Institut de recherches historiques du Septentrion, coll. "Histoire et littérature du Septentrion (IRHiS)", 2 may 2018 (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive), p. 391–406.
  6. 6,0 6,1 6,2 6,3 Déloye 1994, § 4.
  7. 7,0 7,1 7,2 Amalvi 1979, p. 359.
  8. Amalvi 1979, p. 360.
  9. 9,0 9,1 Maurice Gontard, 1965, p. 35.
  10. 10,0 10,1 10,2 Mougniotte 1991, § 26.
  11. Déloye 1994, § 14.
  12. 12,0 12,1 12,2 Déloye 1994, p. 203.
  13. (fr) André Lanfrey, Sécularisation, séparation et guerre scolaire : les catholiques français et l'école, 1901-1914, Éditions du CERF, 2003, 638 p. (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive).
  14. Déloye 1994, § 29.
  15. Déloye 1994, § 10.
  16. Déloye 1994, p. 211.
  17. Déloye 1994, § 27.
  18. 18,0 18,1 18,2 18,3 Mougniotte 1991, § 31.
  19. 19,0 19,1 Mougniotte 1991, § 32.
  20. 20,00 20,01 20,02 20,03 20,04 20,05 20,06 20,07 20,08 20,09 20,10 20,11 20,12 20,13 (fr) Laurence Jung, La première guerre des manuels, 11 may 2022 Blog Gallica archive
  21. 21,0 21,1 21,2 21,3 21,4 Condette 2010, § 7.
  22. Déloye 1994, p. 214.
  23. 23,0 23,1 (fr) "Les manuels républicains et les deux guerres scolaires à la fin du xixe siècle et au début du xxe" archive, in Interfaces. Livres anciens de l'Université de Lyon, 24 october 2017 (accessed 21 april 2020).
  24. Condette 2010, § 4
  25. (fr) Jean-Michel Leniaud, L'administration des cultes pendant la période concordataire, Nouvelles Éditions Latines, 1988, 428 p. (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive).
  26. 26,0 26,1 Déloye 1994, § 32.
  27. 27,0 27,1 27,2 27,3 27,4 27,5 Condette 2010, 8.
  28. 28,0 28,1 (fr) Abbé Bouzoud, Monseigneur Isoard, Évêque d'Annecy: sa vie, ses écrits, son action, P. Lethielleux (libraire éditeur), may 1914.
  29. Walter and Lelièvre 1983, p. 93-95.
  30. 30,0 30,1 30,2 Déloye 1994, § 63.
  31. Déloye 1994, p. 215.
  32. Déloye 1994, § 51.
  33. Déloye 1994, § 38 and § 102.
  34. Déloye 1994, § 38.
  35. Déloye 1994, p. 227.
  36. Déloye 1994, p. 229.
  37. Déloye 1994, p. 218.
  38. Mougniotte 1991.
  39. Mougniotte 1991, § 29.
  40. (fr) Le Monde, 3-4 october 1976, p. 2, quoted in the article by Christian Amalvi, art. cit., p. 360.
  41. (fr) René Rémond, "Anticléricalisme", Encyclopædia Universalis online archive.
  42. (fr) Fiche biographique des engagements politique de Paul Bert archive on the website www.assemblee-nationale.fr.
  43. (fr) Intervention de Paul Bert à la Chambre des députés en qualité de rapporteur du projet de loi: 4 december 1880 archive, which develops the principle of secularism as applied to compulsory primary education, at www.assemblee-nationale.fr
  44. (fr) Claude Delasselle, "Paul Bert, l'un des fondateurs de l'Ecole Publique" archive in the Société Paul Bert website.
  45. (fr) Roger Aubert, "Félix Dupanloup", Encyclopædia Universalis online archive.
  46. Déloye 1994, note 16 (sur Cairn.info).
  47. Déloye 1994, annex no 2, p. 389-390.
  48. (fr) Laurence Loeffel, La Question du fondement de la morale laïque sous la IIIe République (1870-1914), Presses Universitaires de France, 2000 (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive), chap. 2 (« La morale laïque face au positivisme »).
  49. (fr) Yves Déloye, "Chapitre 4 : Les différents visages de la morale civique", in École et citoyenneté. L’individualisme républicain de Jules Ferry à Vichy: controverses, Presses de Sciences Po, 1994 (read online archive), p. 141-197.
  50. Déloye 1994, § 9.
  51. Шаблон:Cite web
  52. (fr) Lettre circulaire... au sujet des manuels de morale civique récemment condamnés par la Congrégation de l'Index, 1883, 7 p.
  53. (fr) Rebérioux, Madeleine, La République radicale?: 1898-1914, Paris, Points, 2018, 258 p. (Шаблон:ISBN, Шаблон:OCLC, read online archive).

See also

Historic documents

  • (fr) Anonyme, Examen critique du livre de M. Gabriel Compayré Éléments d'éducation civique et morale, par un catholique du Tarn, Paris, Librairie Victor Palmé, 1883, 62 p. (read online archive).
  • (fr) Joseph Burnichon, Les Manuels d'éducation civique et morale et la condamnation de l'Index, Marseille, Société anonyme de l'Imprimerie marseillaise, 1883, 163 p. (read online archive).
  • (fr) Émile Boutroux, "Les récents manuels de morale et d'instruction civique", Revue pédagogique, 15 April 1883, p. 289-342.
  • (fr) Élie de Cyon, "La guerre à Dieu et la morale laïque, réponse à M. Paul Bert", Le Gaulois, Paris, 1881 (read online archive).
  • (fr) Dominget (father), Le Bon Instituteur ou la Véritable Instruction civique opposée à l'instruction civique de M. Paul Bert, Paris, Hachette Livre BNF, coll. "Sciences sociales", 1st February 2016 (1st ed. 1885), 434 p. (Шаблон:ISBN, read online archive in Gallica).
  • (fr) Jules Ferry, Discours prononcé au Sénat à la séance du 31 mai 1883, réponse à l'interpellation du duc de Broglie concernant les livres destinés aux écoles primaires publiques, Paris, Imprimerie du Journal Officiel, 1883, 52 p.
  • (fr) Ernest Lavisse, À propos de nos écoles, Paris, Armand Colin, 1885, 250 p.

External links