Английская Википедия:2023 Serbian parliamentary election
Шаблон:Short description Шаблон:Pp Шаблон:EngvarB Шаблон:Use dmy dates Шаблон:Infobox legislative election
Parliamentary elections were held in Serbia on 17 December 2023 to elect members of the National Assembly. While they were initially scheduled to be held by 30 April 2026, Aleksandar Vučić, the president of Serbia, called a snap election in November 2023, after previously announcing that snap elections could be either held in 2023 or 2024. In addition to the parliamentary elections, the Vojvodina provincial and local elections were held in 65 cities and municipalities, including the capital, Belgrade.
The Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) came to power after the 2012 election when it formed a coalition government with the Socialist Party of Serbia. In the 2022 parliamentary election, SNS lost its parliamentary majority while opposition parties returned to the National Assembly. The United for the Victory of Serbia alliance, which placed second, was dissolved shortly after the election. Ana Brnabić, who has been the prime minister since 2017, and her third cabinet were inaugurated in October 2022. Her cabinet saw several changes in 2023; Branko Ružić resigned and Rade Basta was dismissed. Brnabić's cabinet has also been involved in the North Kosovo crisis and was faced with anti-government protests from May to November 2023, which were triggered after the Belgrade school shooting and a mass murder near Mladenovac and Smederevo.
Opposition parties organising the protests formed the Serbia Against Violence coalition in October. The campaign was met with an increase in political tensions, polarisation, and voter intimidation. Candidates campaigned on issues such as fighting against crime and corruption, decreasing inflation, and the Ohrid Agreement. Despite not being a candidate and no longer being president of SNS, Vučić mainly represented SNS during the campaign. The Republic Electoral Commission proclaimed 18 electoral lists for the parliamentary election.
Monitoring and non-governmental organisations reported that the election day was marked with electoral fraud, mostly in the Belgrade region. ODIHR concluded that the elections were well organised, but that SNS had a systematic advantage in the election and abused public funds. The election resulted into SNS regaining its parliamentary majority, despite opinion polls predicting a decrease of support, and SPS suffering from its worst result since the 2007 election. The We–The Voice from the People of conspiracy theorist Branimir Nestorović also gained representation in the National Assembly.Шаблон:TOC limit
Background
A populist coalition, led by the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), came to power after the 2012 election, along with the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS).[1][2] Aleksandar Vučić, who initially served as deputy prime minister and later as prime minister, was elected president in 2017 and re-elected in 2022.[3][4] Since he came to power, observers have assessed that Serbia has suffered from democratic backsliding into authoritarianism, followed by a decline in media freedom and civil liberties.[5][6] In 2023, the V-Dem Institute categorised Serbia as an electoral autocracy, while Freedom House noted that SNS "eroded political rights and civil liberties, put pressure on independent media, the opposition, and civil society organisations".[7][8][9]
The Together We Can Do Everything coalition, which was led by SNS, lost its parliamentary majority in the 2022 parliamentary election, but the election also oversaw twelve electoral lists in total, including the ones from the opposition, that crossed the 3 percent threshold.[10] Non-governmental and election monitoring organisations reported that electoral irregularities occurred during the voting day.[11][12][13] Following the election, the United for the Victory of Serbia (UZPS) coalition, which placed second, was dissolved.[14][15]
Ana Brnabić, who has been the prime minister since 2017, and her third cabinet were sworn in on 26 October 2022.[16] Rade Basta, a minister in Brnabić's cabinet, voiced his support for introducing sanctions on Russia in March 2023.[17] SPS and United Serbia (JS) later submitted a proposal to dismiss him from government, which went successful.[18][19] In May 2023, Vučić was succeeded by Miloš Vučević as president of SNS.[20]
North Kosovo crisis
Beginning in July 2022, tensions between Serbia and Kosovo heightened, firstly due to the expiration of the eleven-year validity period for car documents.[21][22] After negotiations with the diplomatic representatives of the European Union in August, an agreement on car documents was reached.[23] The agreement went into effect on 1 September, with the deadline for obtaining new car documents set for 31 October 2022.[22] A proposed agreement to normalise tensions, later-informally known as the Ohrid Agreement, was sent to Serbia and Kosovo by Шаблон:Ill and Emmanuel Bonne and was leaked in September 2022.[24] Its existence was confirmed by Serbia and Kosovo a month later.[25] Shortly before the deadline for the car documents expired, Albin Kurti, the prime minister of Kosovo, announced that a phased implementation would instead be implemented up to 21 April 2023.[26] In protest to the announcement, hundreds of Kosovo Serb police officers, mayors, and Serb List politicians resigned from their positions.[27] Another agreement was reached in November 2022, after negotiations with the European Union; it was announced that licence plates issued by Serbia would continue to be in use in North Kosovo.[28][29]
After claims that the Regional Operational Support Unit (ROSU) allegedly raided North Mitrovica in December 2022, Serbia announced that it would deploy Serbian forces to Kosovo.[30] The government of Kosovo rejected the claim that ROSU entered North Mitrovica, while Kosovo Force rejected Serbia's request to deploy Serbian forces to Kosovo.[31][32] Amidst this, barricades were put up in North Kosovo and ultranationalist protests were organised in Belgrade.[33][34] Negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo continued, and in March 2023 Vučić and Kurti verbally agreed to implement the Ohrid Agreement.[35]
An attack perpetrated by Serb militants occurred on 24 September 2023 in Banjska, a village in North Kosovo.[36][37] The attack resulted in death of one Kosovo Police officer and three Serb militants.[36] Milan Radoičić, a businessman and member of the Serb List, admitted being involved in the attack; he was later arrested by the government of Serbia, but the Supreme Court denied the motion to place Radoičić in custody for 30 days and he was ultimately released.[38][39] In response to the attack, Serbia declared a national day of mourning for 27 September due to the death of three Serb militants.[40] Kosovo alleged that the Serb participants had close relations with Vučić and the government of Serbia.[41][42] The European Parliament also adopted a resolution to introduce measures against Serbia if proven to be directly involved in the attack.[43]
2023 protests
In May 2023, the Belgrade school shooting and a mass murder near Mladenovac and Smederevo occurred.[44][45] The government responded by adopting measures such as stricter regulations on gun ownership and hiring 1,200 police officers to schools.[46][47] It was also criticised, particularly due to the statement of Branko Ružić, the minister of education, who said that "a cancerous, pernicious influence of the Internet, video games, and so-called Western values, is evident" in the shooting, and Brnabić, who said that the "system did not fail" when responding to the claims that the government could have stopped the shootings.[48][49]
This resulted in mass protests, named Serbia Against Violence, which began on 8 May.[50][51] Tens of thousands attended the protests.[52][53][54] Despite being organised by the Democratic Party (DS), Do not let Belgrade drown (NDB), Party of Freedom and Justice (SSP), People's Party (Narodna), and Together opposition parties, no party signs were reported to be seen at the protests.[55] In response to Serbia Against Violence protests, Vučić held an SNS-organised gathering on 26 May.[56] A number of farmers also protested from 16 to 20 May.[57][58] The protests have been continuously organised in Belgrade and other cities from May 2023[59][60][61] until November 2023.[62]
In response to the shootings, and a day before the protests began, Ružić announced his resignation.[63] Đorđe Milićević was appointed as acting minister and was succeeded by Slavica Đukić Dejanović in late July 2023.[64][65] As one of the demands of the protests, organisers initiated a motion in the National Assembly to dismiss minister Bratislav Gašić in early July 2023, however, the motion was unsuccessful.[66]
Electoral system
Шаблон:Politics of Serbia The 250 members of the National Assembly are elected by closed-list proportional representation from a single nationwide constituency.[67][68] Eligible voters vote for electoral lists, on which the candidates of the accepted lists are present.[68] A maximum of 250 candidates could be present on a single electoral list.[68] An electoral list could be submitted by a registered political party, a coalition of political parties, or a citizens' group.[68] To submit an electoral list, at least 10,000 valid signatures must be collected, though ethnic minority parties only need to collect 5,000 signatures to qualify on ballot.[68][69] At least 40 percent of candidates on electoral lists must be female.[70] The electoral list is submitted by its chosen representative or representatives.[71] An electoral list could be declined, after which those who had submitted can fix the deficiencies in a span of 48 hours, or rejected, if the person is not authorised to nominate candidates.[71] The name and date of the election, names of the electoral lists and its representatives, and information on how to vote are only present on the voting ballot.[71]
The Republic Electoral Commission (RIK), local election commissions, and polling boards oversee the election.[71] Seats are allocated using the d'Hondt method with an electoral threshold of 3 percent of all votes cast, although the threshold is waived for ethnic minority parties.[67][72] The seats are distributed by dividing the total number of votes received by the electoral list participating in the distribution of seats by each number from one to 250.[71] If two or more electoral lists receive the same quotients on the basis of which the seat is distributed, the electoral list that received the greater number of votes has priority.[71] Parliamentary seats are awarded to candidates from electoral lists according to their order, starting with the first candidate from an electoral list.[68]
A parliamentary election is called by the president of Serbia, who also has to announce its date and dissolve the National Assembly in the process.[68][71] According to law, the next parliamentary election was supposed to take place by 30 April 2026.[73] It is possible for a snap election to take place.[74] To vote, a person has to be a citizen and resident of Serbia and at least 18 years old.[73] For those who live abroad, they are able to vote at diplomatic missions.[67] At least five days before the election, citizens are notified about the election; citizens receive information about the day and time of the election and the address of the polling station where they can vote.[68] Election silence begins two days before the voting day and it lasts until the closure of all polling stations.[75] During the election day, eligible voters could vote from 07:00 (UTC+01:00) to 20:00, though if the polling station is opened later than 07:00, voting is then extended by the amount of time for which the opening of the polling station was delayed.[71][76] Voters who are not able to vote at polling stations due to being sick, old, or invalid have to inform their election commission before 11:00 so that they could vote on the election day from their home between after 11:00.[76]
Election date
In April 2023, newspaper Danas reported that a parliamentary election, local elections, the Vojvodina provincial election, and the Belgrade City Assembly election could be held as early as in November 2023.[77] Days after the beginning of the 2023 protests, Vučić said that snap elections could take place before September 2023.[78][79] A month later, Vučić said that "now it is clear that we will have early parliamentary elections, it is only a matter of time when they will be held".[80] At a press conference in July 2023, Vučić said that an early election "could take place in September or December if the opposition parties agree. And if not, we will have general elections in April or May 2024, to be held concurrently with the Vojvodina provincial election and the regular local elections".[81] By law, the Vojvodina provincial election and regular local elections could be held as late as 30 June 2024.[82] A month later, in August, Vučić said that provincial and local elections will "certainly be held in the next six or seven months", and that "most likely, parliamentary ones will be held as well".[83]
Newspaper Nova and news portal N1 reported in September 2023 that local, provincial, and parliamentary elections could be held as early as 19 December 2023.[84][85] Vučić and Vučević also held a gathering with officials from Vojvodina on 5 September.[86] In late September, Vučić announced that the elections will be called in December 2023 for them to be organised on 4 March 2024.[87] He subsequently announced, first in September and again in October, that the elections could be held on 17 December 2023.[88][89] The decision to hold snap elections was confirmed on 28 September at a government session.[90] For the election to take place on 17 December, the government of Serbia had to formally propose to dissolve the National Assembly between 18 October and 2 November.[91] The president of Serbia then had 72 hours to decide whether to dissolve the National Assembly or not.[91] However, the official campaign period would only last 45 days if the election is to be called on 2 November.[92] The government of Serbia sent Vučić a proposal to dissolve the National Assembly and organise local elections in 65 cities and municipalities on 30 October.[93] On 1 November, Vučić dissolved the National Assembly and called the elections for 17 December.[94] The official campaign period will last 46 days.[95] Ognjen Radonjić, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy, and Dragan Popović, the director of the Centre for Practical Politics, argued that the Banjska attack was one of the main reasons why Vučić announced early elections.[96] The Assembly of Vojvodina also dissolved itself on 16 November, also setting the provincial election date for 17 December.[97]
The 2023 parliamentary election was the first parliamentary election since the 2007 parliamentary election, which was held on 21 January, to be held in the winter season.[98] Dejan Bursać, a teaching associate at the Institute for Political Studies, argued that ruling parties "avoid the winter for voting because the voters are more dissatisfied, the turnout cannot be easily controlled because of the weather, and the costs to the people are increased".[99] Ivana Petronijević Terzić, a Demostat journalist, has also listed increased inflation, higher bills due to heating, and worse weather conditions as one of the reasons, but she has also said that under "normal circumstances and a democratic atmosphere" these reasons would be a problem.[99] In preparations for the elections, RIK began acquiring election equipment, including ballot boxes, UV lamps, and finger sprays, on 13 October.[100]
Election conditions
A group of opposition parties, led by the Forward to Europe (PE) and Green–Left Front (ZLF) parliamentary groups, sent a joint letter to Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and other election observers in Serbia in September 2023, with the request to declare the election conditions for the upcoming elections.[101] PE and ZLF alleged that the conditions have worsened since the 2022 parliamentary election while they also added that the organisations should "consider them unfree and undemocratic if they are held without the recommendations from the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) report.[101] In an Insajder interview, political scientist Шаблон:Ill also claimed that the conditions are "now maybe even worse", however, he added that due to the short campaign timespan "it is impossible to fix those conditions now".[102] Bursać and Jovana Đurbabić, from non-governmental and monitoring organisation Шаблон:Ill, listed "unequal access to the media, campaign of party officials, and control of the elections at the polling stations" as main three problems of the election conditions in Serbia.[103]
After PE and ZLF, Brnabić also called OSCE and ODIHR in October 2023 to monitor the elections, while claiming that opposition parties are "frivolous and are trying to involve foreign factors in causing chaos" and that they are "trying to form a perception that there is no framework for free and democratic elections".[104][105][106] Brnabić claimed that "79 percent of ODIHR's recommendations have been implemented" and that election conditions have been improved.[107][108] In its analysis, CRTA claimed that conditions have been only improved in administrative aspects and that recommendations related to voter pressure, misuse of public resources, and media coverage remain unfulfilled.[108] DS sent another request to OSCE in October 2023.[109] ODIHR announced that it would monitor the elections and that it would deploy 30 long-term observers and 250 observers that would observe the elections on the election day.[110] The National Youth Council of Serbia (KOMS) and a delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) announced that they would monitor the elections in Serbia.[111][112] RIK announced that 5,587 observers would monitor the elections.[113]
The Committee for Culture and Information of the National Assembly amended the ban on campaign of party officials, extending it to 30 days, as part of the proposed changes to the Law on Public Information and Media which the National Assembly adopted on 26 October.[114][115] On the same day, the National Assembly also appointed general manager of the National Theatre Svetislav Goncić, political scientist Aleksandar Milosavljević, professor Dragan Vučinić, political scientist Jovanka Matić, science advisor Slobodan Prvanović, professor Branko Rakić, law counselor Miodrag Savović, professor Bojan Tubić, scientist Vojin Vučićević, and opera singer Aleksandar Stamatović as members of the Supervisory Board for the Election Campaign, which was established on 13 November.[116][117]
In mid November 2023, ODIHR also announced that it requested to collect the votes of Serbian citizens on Kosovo.[118] Kurti responded by saying that "Kosovo and Serbia must reach a special agreement so that members of the Serbian community in Kosovo, who have dual citizenship, could vote on the territory of Kosovo in the Serbian parliamentary elections".[119] On 23 November, RIK announced that there are no conditions to organise elections on Kosovo and that those with dual citizenship could exercise their right to vote in Vranje, Kuršumlija, Raška, and Tutin.[120] The European Union criticised Kosovo's rejection of holding the Serbian parliamentary election on its territory.[121]
Political parties
The table below lists political parties and coalitions elected in the National Assembly after the 2022 parliamentary election.[122] Out of 19 electoral lists, only 7 crossed the 3 percent threshold while 5 minority electoral lists crossed the waived electoral threshold.[122] The official results were postponed until 5 July, due to the repeated voting in Veliki Trnovac, where a seat in the National Assembly was battled between SPS and the Albanian Coalition of Preševo Valley (KSLP), led by the Party for Democratic Action.[123][124] At the fifth repeat election, held on 30 June, KSLP won enough votes to earn a seat in the National Assembly.[125]
Pre-election composition
The thirteenth convocation of the National Assembly held its first session on 1 August 2022, at which the current parliamentary composition was formalised.[126][127] Vladimir Orlić of SNS was elected president of the National Assembly on 2 August, while Sandra Božić (SNS), Snežana Paunović (SPS), Elvira Kovács (Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians, VMSZ), Usame Zukorlić (Justice and Reconciliation Party, SPP), Božidar Delić (National Democratic Alternative, NADA), Borko Stefanović (SPP), and Zoran Lutovac (DS) were elected vice-presidents.[128] Delić died shortly after taking office and was replaced by Vojislav Mihailović in November 2022.[129][130] The composition of the National Assembly has changed since the first session in August 2022; for example, the European Regions, a parliamentary group composed of minority interest parties, briefly existed until October 2022.[131][132] The last session of the thirteenth convocation was held from 23 to 26 October.[133][134]
| Groups | Parties | MPs | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Seats | Total | ||||
| width="1" rowspan="6" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Aleksandar Vučić – Together We Can Do Everything | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SNS | 99 | 109 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PSS–BK | 3 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SNP | 2 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PS | 2 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SPO | 2 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | NSS | 1 | |||
| width="1" rowspan="2" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Ivica Dačić – Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SPS | 22 | 23 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | ZS | 1 | |||
| width="1" rowspan="5" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Forward to Europe – SSP, PSG, Reversal, Sloga | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SSP | 9 | 15 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PSG | 3 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PZP | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | USS Sloga | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Fatherland | 1 | |||
| width="1" rowspan="2" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | NADA – New DSS – POKS | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | NDSS | 7 | 14 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | POKS | 7 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Democratic Party – DS | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | DS | 10 | 10 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | United Serbia – Dragan Marković Palma | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | JS | 7 | 8 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | People's Party | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Narodna | 8 | 8 |
| width="1" rowspan="3" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | People's Movement of Serbia – Ecological Uprising – New Face of Serbia | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | NPS | 4 | 8 |
| bgcolor= "Шаблон:Party color"| | EU | 3 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | NLS | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Serbian Party Oathkeepers | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SSZ | 8 | 8 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Social Democratic Party of Serbia | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SDPS | 7 | 7 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PUPS – Solidarity and Justice | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PUPS | 6 | 6 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Serbian Movement Dveri – Patriotic Bloc | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Dveri | 6 | 6 |
| For Reconciliation SPP–USS–DSHV | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SPP | 2 | 6 | |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | DSHV | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | USS | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SNS | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Independent | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | We Must – Together | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Together | 5 | 5 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | VMSZ/SVM | 5 | 5 |
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Green–Left Front, Do not let Belgrade drown | bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | ZLF | 5 | 5 |
| width="1" rowspan="6" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | MPs not members of parliamentary groups | width="1" bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | SDAS | 1 | 7 |
| NN–IJS | 1 | ||||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | PVD/PDD | 1 | |||
| SSD | 1 | ||||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | ZZV | 1 | |||
| bgcolor="Шаблон:Party color"| | Independents | 2 | |||
Pre-election activities
Government parties
Vučić hinted at a potential formation of a bloc or a movement in September 2022, which he later revealed in March 2023 to be the People's Movement for the State (NPZD).[136][137] He said that NPZD would act as a "supra-party movement" and that SNS would not be dissolved.[138] Vučević confirmed that SNS would take part in the movement.[139][140] Initially announced to be formalised in May 2023, the date was subsequently moved towards autumn 2023.[141][142] As of October 2023, the movement has not yet been formed.[143] Political commentators have pointed out that SPS is divided on the issue of joining NPZD and that as a result, the formalisation of NPZD was delayed.[143] Predrag J. Marković, one of the vice-presidents of SPS, has said that "SPS would lose its identity if it joins [NPZD]".[144] Bojan Klačar, the executive director of CeSID, has said that with the September 2023 announcement that the elections would be held on 17 December, "the creation of the Movement could be risky".[145] Considering that NPZD was not mentioned at the main board session of SNS in October 2023, Đorđe Vukadinović of Nova srpska politička misao (NSPM) and political analyst Dragomir Anđelković argued that NPZD could be used only as a slogan for the upcoming elections.[146] Vučić, however, announced in late October 2023 that NPZD will be formed "in the coming period".[147] Healthy Serbia, led by Milan Stamatović, was announced as an addition to the SNS-led coalition.[148]
Tomislav Žigmanov, the president of the Democratic Alliance of Croats in Vojvodina (DSHV), announced in October 2023 that DSHV would contest the 2023 election in an electoral alliance, with the justification being "because minorities in Serbia do not have guaranteed seats in the parliament".[149] Rasim Ljajić, the president of the Social Democratic Party of Serbia (SDPS), announced that SDPS will contest the elections with SNS again.[150] The Party for Sandžak, aligned with Ljajić since 2004, announced that it would contest the elections alone and not with SDPS.[151] Additionally, SNS and SPS announced that they would not contest the parliamentary election together and that SPS would again take part in the election JS and Greens of Serbia (ZS).[152][153]
Opposition parties
After the dissolution of the UZPS coalition, SSP, Movement of Free Citizens, Movement for Reversal, and United Trade Unions of Serbia Sloga, formed the Ujedinjeni parliamentary group in the National Assembly in August 2022.[14][154] Ujedinjeni changed its name to Forward to Europe in July 2023.[155] Zdravko Ponoš, the presidential candidate of the UPZS coalition, left Narodna after the 2022 elections.[156] He formed the Serbia Centre (SRCE) organisation in June 2022 and in July 2023 it was registered as a political party.[157][158] The Movement of Free Serbia, which was also a member of the UZPS coalition, merged into DS in September 2022.[159]
The We Must alliance was also dissolved after the 2022 elections, but its member parties said that they would continue cooperating in the National Assembly.[127][160] Together, with Aleksandar Jovanović Ćuta, Biljana Stojković, and Nebojša Zelenović as its co-presidents, was formed in June 2022 as a merger of Together for Serbia, Ecological Uprising (EU), and Assembly of Free Serbia.[161][162] Solidarity, which was also affiliated with the We Must alliance, merged into Together in January 2023.[163] In August 2023, Ćuta and other members of EU left Together and joined the parliamentary group led by People's Movement of Serbia (NPS).[164][165] NDB announced in late June 2022 that it had adopted a platform to work on becoming a registered political party; it began collecting signatures in May 2023.[166][167] NDB also announced that it would rename itself to Green–Left Front (ZLF).[168] ZLF was formalised in July 2023.[169]
Within Narodna, a dispute between its president Vuk Jeremić and vice-president Miroslav Aleksić began in June 2023.[170] Aleksić was eventually removed from the position of the party's executive board in July 2023; he then publicly acknowledged the conflict between him and Jeremić.[171][172] Although a leadership election was scheduled for October 2023, Aleksić left Narodna and reconstituted NPS in August 2023.[173] Together with Miloš Parandilović, the president of the New Face of Serbia (NLS), they formed a parliamentary group in the National Assembly.[174]
Following his dismissal from JS, Basta formed the European Way Movement (PEP), now portraying himself as an opposition politician.[175][176] Mladen Mrdalj, a political scientist, criticised Basta, describing him as an opportunist.[176] PEP announced in September 2023 that it would contest the upcoming elections.[177] Besides Basta, former SNS-turned-opposition politicians Zorana Mihajlović, Dragan Šormaz, and Stanislava Pak formed the Always for Serbia organisation in September 2023.[178] Opposition parties organising the Serbia Against Violence protests refused to cooperate with them due to formerly being aligned with SNS.[179]
Election alliances
In an interview for newspaper Nova in August 2023, Marinika Tepić, one of the vice-presidents of SSP, stated that the creation of an electoral alliance of political parties that organise the Serbia Against Violence protests is possible.[180] "During this one year of work in the National Assembly, and especially in these last three months during the protests, we, [opposition parties], managed to build trust stronger than ever before", Tepić said.[180] It has been noted that DS, SRCE, Together, and ZLF opposition parties have intensively cooperated with each other, as early as April 2023.[181][182] DS, SRCE, and Together signed a cooperation agreement in late August 2023, establishing greater cooperation between the parties.[183][184] Slobodan Cvejić of SRCE added that "there is room for greater coalition cooperation" between opposition parties.[185]
Radomir Lazović of ZLF has also announced in July 2023 that ZLF prepared framework principles of cooperation to achieve non-aggression among opposition parties, joint control of elections, and consolidation of parties into a bigger alliance.[186] Lazović has, however, opposed the creation of a single coalition of all opposition parties, stating that it could possibly lead to the loss of votes.[187] PE member parties, ZLF, DS, Together, NPS, EU, and NLS signed an agreement, titled Agreement for Victory, in late September 2023, announcing joint support for calling snap elections and electoral reforms.[188] Since then, the parties that signed the agreement have held meetings on discussing the creation of a joint electoral alliance; N1 reported that the distribution of seats among parties in the alliance is "the biggest obstacle to the formation of a single alliance".[189][190] At a 18 October press conference, Srđan Milivojević of DS, said that there were "no dissonant voices" at the discussions about the creation of a joint Serbia Against Violence alliance.[191] Nova–DS2P and the Social Democratic Party (SDS), led by Boris Tadić, both expressed support for joining the Serbia Against Violence alliance.[192][193] The agreement between the parties was reached on 26 October and the coalition, named Serbia Against Violence (SPN), was formalised and presented to the public a day later.[194][195]
Aleksić has also proposed the formation of a "stronger, wider bloc" for the upcoming elections; Nova also reported that SRCE and Nova–DS2P could take part in such an electoral alliance.[196][197] SDS held negotiations with Aleksić's NPS in October 2023 about the formation of a joint coalition.[198] Parandilović of NLS has also expressed his support for the creation of a wide electoral alliance; Aleksandar Olenik, a representative of Together for Vojvodina in the National Assembly, on the other hand, has said that opposition parties should run on two electoral lists instead.[181] Ćuta has also expressed his support for the creation of an alliance that would include opposition parties from the left and right.[199] Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski, the president of the Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ), expressed her opposition towards creating a joint opposition alliance due to foreign policy differences.[200]
Boško Obradović, the president of Dveri, has also voiced his support for the formation of a "state-building bloc" that would include SSZ and National Democratic Alternative (NADA); Obradović also added that he also sees Narodna as a member in their bloc.[201] Miloš Jovanović, the president of the New Democratic Party of Serbia (NDSS), stated that NADA would be open to cooperate with Dveri and SSZ, while Jeremić has called for the formation of a coalition that would include Dveri, SSZ, NADA, and Enough is Enough (DJB).[202][203] In October 2023, Dveri and SSZ formalised a coalition, named National Gathering (NO), for the upcoming elections; they also invited NADA and Narodna to join their bloc.[204] NADA, however, held negotiations with Narodna instead.[205][206] Negotiations between Dveri, SSZ, NADA, and Narodna were held in late October 2023, however, the parties were unable to form a joint electoral alliance due to SSZ rejecting the proposed document.[207][208] Narodna and the Serbian Radical Party, led by Vojislav Šešelj, opted to take part in the elections independently.[209][210] DJB initially announced that they would contest the elections independently, saying that "there are no serious talks of forming one state-building coalition".[211]
Electoral lists
With the dissolution of the National Assembly and a call for elections to be held on 17 December, the deadline to submit electoral lists was set for 26 November.[212] The collective electoral list was published by RIK on 1 December, with 2,818 candidates in total.[213] The following table includes electoral lists that were confirmed by RIK and that took part in the 2023 parliamentary election.[214] The electoral lists of PEP, which submitted its electoral list under two Bunjevci minority parties, and Pavle Bihali of Levijatan-led Russian Minority Alliance were rejected by RIK due to not having enough valid signatures.[215][216][217]
Шаблон:Sup — National minority list
Campaign
Croatian daily newspaper Večernji list has described the 2023 election as "the most uncertain election since 2012".[218] Political scientist and journalist Aleksandar Ivković argued that the campaign has been "dirty", listing graffitis, posters, music videos, and tabloid media content that were perpetrated against opposition parties.[219] "While the content is largely unchanged, it seems that SNS is now really 'firing from all guns blazing' when it comes to negative campaigning against the opposition, which was not the case before, at least not to such an extent", Ivković has said.[219] Political scientist Boban Stojanović estimated that "political tensions are not decreasing" and that "political violence will be seen until the end of the election campaign".[220] Stojanović also added that the 2023 "elections are even more uncertain than the previous ones".[221]
During its visit in Serbia, PACE representatives concluded that the campaign was met with polarisation and intimidation from the government.[222] Raša Nedeljkov from CRTA said that he expects "an intense and dirty campaign in which hate speech will be the backbone of the campaign"; he noted the targeting of political opponents, media representatives, civil society organisations, and election observers as examples.[223] CRTA claimed that voter intimidation has increased during the campaign period, stating that in its research "door-to-door campaigning is one of the basic activities as a form of direct, immediate communication between parties and voters".[224] During the first three weeks of the election campaign, CRTA reported in its analysis that "inequality, suspicions and threats" were seen, claiming that government parties had significant advantage due to the abuse of institutions.[225] Amidst the campaign, the Centre for Investigative Journalism of Serbia (CINS) also released a report in which it was revealed that during the campaign period an organisation operating a call centre was tasked with asking voters whether they would vote for SNS or not.[226] CINS also reported that the call centre also possessed a database of voters, with voters sorted in groups based on whether they are a member of SNS, a SNS voter, or a non-SNS voter.[226]
"It's Up To Us Too", an informal organisation of high school students, launched a campaign in October 2023 named "It's Up To You Too" (I ti se pitaš), aimed at first-time voters in the 2023 parliamentary election.[227] The Civic Initiatives, a non-governmental organisation, also launched a campaign with activists, professors, and public figures to boost the turnout and the number of controllers (members of polling stations) in the 2023 election.[228] A group of intellectuals, including actors Svetlana Bojković, Dragan Bjelogrlić, former Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts president Vladimir S. Kostić, legal scholar and judge Miodrag Majić, and former University of Belgrade rector Ivanka Popović, formed the initiative "ProClaim" on 7 November 2023 to boost the electoral turnout for the 2023 election and "stop the explosion of crime and corruption in society".[229] The ProGlas initiative received than more 100,000 signatures of support by 15 November.[230] Regarding ProGlas, political scientist Duško Radosavljević said that "if we will remember this campaign for something, it will be because of the attempt by professional and respected people to ask for a new understanding of politics. For me, that is a force that provides a real chance for Serbia to be better".[231]
The 2023 parliamentary election campaign also saw the increase of usage of the social media platform TikTok among politicians.[232][233] Vučić, Tadić, Tepić, SPS president Ivica Dačić, and finance minister Siniša Mali all joined the platform in November 2023, in order to present themselves to younger voters.[232][234] Jelena Kleut, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Belgrade, said that "knowing the Serbian Progressive Party, this move is based on data suggesting that the TikTok electorate might be interested in going to the polls in the election".[232]
Slogans
| Party/coalition | Original slogan | English translation | Refs | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians | Шаблон:Ubl | For our President, for our community, for the future! | [235] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | National Democratic Alternative | Promene sad! | Changes now! | [236] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | People's Party | Siguran izbor. Ozbiljni ljudi | Safe choice. Serious people | [237] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | Serbia Against Violence | Promena je počela! | Change has begun! | [238][239] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | Serbian Radical Party | Otadžbina Srbija. Majka Rusija | Fatherland Serbia. Mother Russia | [240] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | SDS–DJB–OBAP | Dobro jutro Srbijo! | Good morning Serbia! | [241] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | SNS coalition | Srbija ne sme da stane Snaga je u ljudima |
Serbia must not stop The power is in the people |
[242][243] |
| style="background:Шаблон:Party color"| | SPS–JS–ZS | Ivica Dačić – Premijer Srbije | Ivica Dačić – Prime Minister of Serbia | [244] |
Debates
Issues
Petronijević Terzić has argued that opposition parties should work on covering all polling stations with controllers and bring abstainers and those that are undecided, but also opposed the outgoing government, to the polls.[272] Shortly before the election was called, Bursać has also predicted that the campaign would be filled with "negative topics" such as the ongoing tensions with Kosovo, jeopardised foreign policy positions due to the tensions with Kosovo, rising prices, and the mass shootings that occurred in May 2023.[272] Vojislav Mihailović of CRTA has said that opposition parties should put local politics, economy, corruption, crime and violence, as its main topics while campaigning, while he also said that "citizens are most concerned about economic issues" in opinion polls that CRTA conducted.[273]
Bojan Bilbija, a Politika journalist, Zoran Panović, a Demostat journalist, and Miloš Garić, the editor-in-chief of Kosovo Online, all agreed that economic issues and the North Kosovo crisis would be the main issues of the elections.[274] Vladimir Pejić, the director of Agency Faktor Plus, listed the North Kosovo crisis, economic issues, and the fight against crime and corruption as the main issues of the election.[275] Milivojević and political consultant Nikola Tomić named Kosovo as the "absolutely dominant" issue for the upcoming elections.[276] Klačar named living standards, inflation and prices, Kosovo, foreign policy positions, and European Union membership as main issues.[277] Boban Stojanović listed living standards, inflation, and Kosovo as main topics, also claiming that "there will also be enormous pressure on SNS voters, on public sector employees, and blackmailing".[278]
Party campaigns
According to the preliminary report of the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption from 14 December, SNS spent Шаблон:Currency during the campaign period, SPS spent Шаблон:Currency while VMSZ spent around Шаблон:Currency.[279] From the opposition, Serbia on the West alliance spent more than Шаблон:Currency, SPN spent Шаблон:Currency, Narodna spent Шаблон:Currency, We–The Voice from the People spent Шаблон:Currency, and SRS spent Шаблон:Currency.[279] From minority parties, the Russian Party spent Шаблон:Currency.[279]
Serbian Progressive Party
Vučević announced that SNS would begin its campaign in late October, after the 15-year anniversary of the founding assembly of SNS.[280] Despite this, SNS organised gatherings with its supporters before the 15-year celebration to promote the party for the upcoming elections.[281] SNS received an endorsement by its former president Vučić, saying that "he will not stay on the sideline and will not be neutral"; he also announced that Tomislav Nikolić, former president of Serbia and president of SNS, would also participate in the campaign.[282][283] Stefan Krkobabić, the leader of Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) in the National Assembly, also expressed his support for SNS and said that PUPS would campaign on introducing a guaranteed social pension.[284] The Strength of Serbia Movement, a SNS ally since 2010,[285] announced that they would not contest the 2023 parliamentary election; the Serbian Renewal Movement of Vuk Drašković did not sign a cooperation agreement with SNS for the 2023 election but they also announced that two of its candidates would still contest the election on the SNS electoral list.[286] Individuals who were formerly critical of SNS and Vučić, including Tatjana Macura, formerly aligned with DJB and now a co-president of Party of Modern Serbia, Radoslav Milojičić, formerly aligned with DS and now the president of Serbian Left, and Dejan Bulatović, formerly aligned with SSP and now the president of Alliance of Social Democrats, were all announced as candidates of the SNS electoral list for the 2023 election.[287]
Despite no longer being president of SNS, but still serving as president of Serbia, Vučić has been the main representative of SNS in the election campaign.[288][289] Vučić himself is also not a candidate in any elections.[290] Vučić has strongly criticised the opposition, saying that "every vote for the opposition is a vote for the president of the Party of Freedom and Justice, Dragan Đilas, a vote for the independence of Kosovo, and for the introduction of sanctions to Russia".[291] Despite not being affiliated with SPN, Vučić has also alleged that "when people vote for [Boško] Obradović and [Miloš] Jovanović, they know that they are voting for Đilas, Dragan Šolak and all of them".[291] Vučić has also portrayed the election as "between the past, the parties of the former regime that would return [Serbia] to the past, and the future".[292] In an interview, Vučić alleged that "there is a plan of foreign governments to overthrow SNS"; Vučević alleged the same.[293][294] Vučić has also alleged that the entire opposition is controlled by Đilas.[295] Minister Aleksandar Martinović also alleged that the "opposition wants to provoke a civil war", while Brnabić said that "the goal of the opposition is to create chaos and demonstrations after 17 December".[296][297] CRTA criticised the statements of Martinović and Brnabić, saying that "in order to calm tensions in the public, intimidating citizens and encouraging an atmosphere of fear in the election campaign should stop".[298] Opposition figures such as Lazović, Obradović, and Jovanović also condemned the statements of Martinović and Brnabić.[299]
Vučić announced on 29 October that the government of Serbia would by 1 December payout Шаблон:Currency to beneficiaries of social assistance, of which there are 170,000 in Serbia, to blind, demented, and elderly persons, of which there are 51,000, and that students would receive discounts on train and plane tickets.[300] Despite the government denying that this decision would influence the voters, Nemanja Nenadić, from non-profit organisation Transparency Serbia, listed the payouts and discounts as "one of the ways to subtly influence the will of the citizens, to make them think that the government makes concessions to them".[301] In response to Vučić's campaign, DS submitted a report to the Anti-Corruption Agency, alleging that Vučić is leading the SNS campaign despite being only head of state and that Vučić is allegedly abusing power to boost SNS in the elections.[302] The Bureau of Social Research (BIRODI) also claimed that Vučić violated Article 40 of the Law on Prevention of Corruption.[302] Zoran Čvorović, a professor at the Faculty of Law, argued that as president of Serbia, Vučić violated the constitution due to him being listed as the representatives of all SNS-led lists in the 2023 elections.[303] RIK rejected all 15 citizens' complaints related to Vučić being listed in the name of the SNS-led electoral list, despite not taking part in the elections, saying that "Vučić has agreed on paper for his name to be mentioned on the electoral list".[304] The government of Serbia introduced more populist measures in late November, such as Шаблон:Currency payouts to high school students.[305]
SNS began collecting signatures for its electoral list on 1 November.[306] According to media reports, SNS collected over 83,000 signatures by the end of the day.[307] SNS submitted its list to RIK a day later, with 92,637 signatures in total.[308] RIK confirmed its list on 3 November with 88,083 valid signatures collected.[309] Vučić and SNS held a campaign meeting in Leskovac on 5 November, at which Vučić promised to raise salaries while also criticising the SPN alliance.[310][311] Orlić and Nevena Đurić, vice-presidents of SNS, campaigned in Ruma, where they pledged citizens more investments in infrastructure, education, and technology.[312] Another campaign meeting was held on 9 November in Pirot, featuring Vučić, Brnabić, Vučević, Stamatović, and PUPS leader Milan Krkobabić as speakers.[313] At a campaign rally in Smederevo, Vučić said that "if the opposition wins in the next election, I will resign as president of Serbia".[314] SNS has also campaigned on improving the status of women and introducing more mammograms in Serbian hospitals.[315][316] SNS has also expressed its support for the accession of Serbia to the European Union.[317] Nikolić made his first public appearance since 2017 at the SNS convention in Belgrade on 2 December.[318] At the conference, Aleksandar "Aca Rošavi" Vidojević, a close associate of convicted criminal Veljko Belivuk, was also present.[319] SNS held its last convention in Novi Sad on 13 December.[320]
Socialist Party of Serbia
SPS, JS, and ZS signed a cooperation agreement on 1 November, officially announcing that they would contest the elections together under the same electoral list name, "Ivica Dačić – Prime Minister of Serbia", that they contested in the 2022 parliamentary election.[321] The SPS-led coalition submitted its list to RIK on 2 November, with more than 20,000 signatures.[322] RIK confirmed their list on 4 November with 19,618 valid signatures in total.[323] Boban Stojanović said that RIK should have rejected the SPS electoral list because a number of signatures of support were certified by notaries who do not exist in the notaries database.[324] People's Party of Srpska, a political party in Republika Srpska, expressed their support for SPS in November 2023.[325]
Despite being a coalition government partner with SNS since 2012, SPS official Dušan Bajatović has been a target of attacks in articles published by pro-government media.[326] During the campaign period, SPS has presented themselves as "guarantees of political stability" while they also expressed their support for youth rights and youth activism.[327][328] Dačić has also tried to portray the coalition as socialist; while campaigning in Ljubovija, Dačić said that "by voting for the list Ivica Dačić – Prime Minister of Serbia, you are also voting for patriotism and socialism".[329] While campaigning in Mrčajevci, Dačić also said that the SPS coalition supports free education, free universal health care, and social funds.[330] Dačić also reflected on his opinions about Milošević during the campaign, saying that "Milošević was an example of how to love and defend your country".[331] The SPS coalition has also expressed its support for the accession of Serbia to the European Union.[317]
Serbia Against Violence
Members of the SPN coalition, with the addition of Romanian Party and the Civic Democratic Party, signed a cooperation agreement on 3 November, saying that "fight against crime and corruption, stopping inflation and the impoverishment of citizens, restoring pensions reduced in 2014, and the importance of security, especially for the youngest" will be their main issues during the campaign.[332] SPN submitted its list to RIK on 8 November.[333] Their electoral list was confirmed by RIK on 9 November.[334] While the negotiations were still ongoing, Lutovac listed Gordana Matković, a minister under the governments of Zoran Đinđić and Zoran Živković, and Шаблон:Ill, former leader of DS in the National Assembly, as two potential candidates for the position of prime minister, saying that they are "strong and accomplished personalities, they have rich professional and political experience, their public interest is above party or personal interest".[335] SPN, however, decided to present Tepić and Aleksić as their two main representatives.[194]
Before and during the official campaign period, politicians affiliated with SPN, including Tepić, Aleksić, Ćuta, and Srđan Milivojević, a DS member of the National Assembly, were featured on propaganda flyers that were spread in Novi Sad and Belgrade, depicting them in a negative matter.[336][337] Pavle Grbović, the president of PSG, was also featured on posters that depicted him as an Ustaša.[338] The posters that featured Grbović were promoted by Đorđe Dabić, a SNS state secretary.[336] Aleksić accused Vučić of being behind these ideas, while Grbović filed complaints about the posters.[339][340] Janko Veselinović, the leader of the Movement for Reversal, was physically assaulted in Novi Sad on 12 November.[341] Attacks on SSP offices on Zvezdara, a Belgrade municipality, were conducted on 16 November.[342]
SPN has campaigned on returning "stolen pensions", the pensions that were lowered by Vučić's government in 2014, and on environmental issues.[343][344] Ćuta highlighted the issue of poverty and hunger.[344] Lazović has also said that SPN supports removing national broadcast frequency status for Happy and Pink television channels, lowing the inflation and prices, and investing in universal health care protection.[345] Aleksić added that SPN would introduce progressive taxation, while Đilas said that SPN would also increase salaries and invest in education.[345][346] Attended by several thousand supporters, SPN held its last campaign convention on 12 December in Belgrade.[347]
National Democratic Alternative
NADA began its official campaign on 28 October, listing corruption, nepotism, party employment, and rejecting Ohrid Agreement as one of its main issues for the election.[348] NADA submitted its list to RIK on 6 November and RIK confirmed it a day later.[236][349] Shortly before the beginning of the official campaign period, Jovanović was featured on propaganda posters in October 2023, falsely depicting him as someone who freed incumbent prime minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, in 2001.[336] Several NADA billboard posters were later torn down on 21 November; NADA accused the government of being behind the acts.[350]
During the campaign period, Jovanović intensified his criticism of SNS while declining to criticise pro-European parties.[351] He has also called for greater cooperation between opposition parties to topple SNS from power.[352] Jovanović has called for electoral reform, pledging to "destroy the partocracy that SNS created".[351] Jovanović said that NADA wants to introduce the first-past-the-post system, claiming that with the introduction with a such system "the possibility of the existence of a party state would be destroyed".[353] NADA has also campaigned on further regionalisation and decentralisation of Serbia and giving cities and municipalities more power in regards to infrastructure and economy.[354] Jovanović has also called for the reform of healthcare and agriculture, saying that "an incredible sum from the budget goes into private pockets, through the purchase of expensive medicines and medical equipment" and that "agriculture should be a strategic branch of the economy and accordingly the state must improve working conditions for farmers".[355][356] Vojislav Mihailović of POKS also called for the restoration of the monarchy, saying that "Serbia should be a constitutional, parliamentary monarchy like organised European countries".[357]
Regarding foreign policy, NADA has campaigned on wanting "the best possible cooperation with the European Union" in regards to trade, economy, and culture.[358] It has hower expressed its opposition to Serbia joining the European Union due to "the condition set for Serbia to recognise the secession of Kosovo".[358] NADA held its last campaign convention on 10 December.[359]
National Gathering
SSZ and Dveri, the members of the NO coalition, signed another cooperation agreement on 1 November, announcing that they would officially contest the elections together.[360] Obradović named preserving traditional values and Kosovo as part of Serbia, supporting Republika Srpska, Serbs in neighbouring regions, and ecological patriotism as one of their main issues.[360] The coalition submitted its list on 4 November and it was accepted by RIK a day later.[361][362] At a press conference after they presented their electoral list, Đurđević Stamenkovski emphasised their opposition to the Ohrid Agreement and the European Union.[363] The far-right Alternative for Germany party, the Ravna Gora Movement, and the clerical-fascist Obraz organisation of Mladen Obradović, voiced their support for the SSZ–Dveri coalition.[364][365][366]
During the campaign period, the SSZ–Dveri coalition representatives emphasised their support for greater incentives for domestic businessmen and farmers,[367] the construction of student dormitories in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš and Kragujevac, giving free school books, and financial aid for "socially vulnerable families".[368][369] Ratko Ristić, one of the representatives of the NO coalition, also said that one of their main issues is to "return Serbia's sovereignty, especially economic sovereignty" and that they would "pay special attention to the development of Serbian agriculture and the position of Serbian farmers".[370] Đurđević Stamenkovski also said that she wants Serbia to return "the proven traditional values in the education system".[371] Obradović alleged that the SSZ–Dveri coalition was a target of attacks and media censorship.[372]
On foreign policy, the coalition expressed their support for retaining close relations with China, due to their positions towards Kosovo,[373] and that they would "request that Serbia become a part of BRICS", saying that BRICS is an alternative to the European Union.[374] Ivan Kostić of Dveri also said that "cooperation with BRICS would have better effects on the Serbian economy" than with the European Union.[375] Obradović alleged that regions such as Sandžak, Vojvodina, and parts of eastern Serbia would separate from Serbia if "Serbia gives up on Kosovo".[376] Đurđević Stamenkovski, in an Insajder interview, did not reject cooperating with SNS after the elections if SNS rejects the Ohrid Agreement.[377] NO held its last campaign convention on 10 December.[378]
Serbian Radical Party
SRS presented its electoral list to RIK on 3 November RIK confirmed it a day later.[379][380] SRS has campaigned on issues such as health care reform, saying that Serbia should "use the experiences of foreign, Western European countries, as well as the USA, which has a more developed health system",[381] advocating greater investments for domestic companies, and preventing bullying by creating "teams of parents, educators, and local municipal officers".[382][383] Aleksandar Šešelj has also said that SRS supports a ban on non-governmental organisations that support the recognition of Kosovo.[384]
In an interview for Radio Television of Vojvodina, Aleksandar Šešelj said that SRS would not join a pro-European government in case if SRS crosses the electoral threshold.[385] SRS has called for the abandonment of the process of accession of Serbia to the European Union and instead called on forging closer ties with Russia and becoming an applicant member of BRICS.[386] Vojislav Šešelj also met with the Palestinian ambassador in Serbia during the campaign; Vojislav Šešelj also criticised Israel, describing their actions towards Palestine as genocidal.[387][388]
Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians
VMSZ, led by acting president Bálint Pásztor, submitted its list to RIK on 7 November.[235] At a press conference after submitting the list, Pásztor said that VMSZ collected 11,355 signatures, more than twice the amount needed for minority parties, and that they would campaign on issues they issued in their electoral programme.[235] RIK confirmed their list on 8 November.[389] Pásztor expressed his support for continuing the cooperation between VMSZ and SNS.[390] VMSZ received support from the Democratic Party of Vojvodina Hungarians and Party of Hungarian Unity in late November.[391]
United for Justice
SPP and DSHV formalised an electoral alliance under the name United for Justice (UZP) on 4 November.[392] UZP submitted its list to RIK on 9 November, with Zukorlić stating that the coalition would advocate for proportional representation of national communities in public institutions and balanced regional development.[393] Their electoral list was accepted by RIK on 10 November.[394] UZP members expressed their support for remaining in the next government, saying "that members of our communities supported this move".[395] Zukorlić has described UZP as a pro-European coalition and has also said that "he believes that one day Serbia will nevertheless join the NATO alliance".[396] DSHV received support from Andrej Plenković, the prime minister of Croatia and leader of the Croatian Democratic Union.[397]
Party of Democratic Action of Sandžak
SDAS of Sulejman Ugljanin submitted its electoral list to RIK on 16 November, with RIK confirming it on the same day.[398][399] Its main representative and ballot holder, Selma Kučević, emphasised that SDAS supports decentralisation and regionalism as well as "authentically representing the Bosniak people as well as other citizens of Sandžak".[399] Ugljanin has said that SDAS supports anti-corruption measures and government transparency.[400]
Coalition for Peace and Tolerance
A group of ethnic minority parties and organisations, including Vlach National Party (VNS), Hungarian Civic Alliance (MPSZ), and Democratic Party of Macedonians, held a meeting in April 2023, with the intention being on forming a coalition, named Coalition for Peace and Tolerance, for the upcoming parliamentary, provincial, and local elections.[401] Shortly after the meeting, Jahja Fehratović left SPP.[402] Later in October, Fehratović announced the formation of his political party, the For the Future and Development (ZBR).[403] Fehratović said that ZBR would support traditional values, spirituality, and rule of law.[403]
Following the dissolution of the National Assembly, Fehratović's ZBR formed a coalition, named "Together for the Future and Development – Coalition for Peace and Development" (KZMT), with VNS, MPSZ, Democratic Union of Croats, Bosniak Civic Party, Party of Montenegrins, Civic Party of Greeks of Serbia, Vojvodina Movement, Tolerance of Serbia, Union of Yugoslavs, Union of Female Roma Network and Non-Roma Network of Serbia, and Union of Banat Romanians.[404] Fehratović was also announced as the coalition's ballot holder.[404] KZMT submitted its electoral list on 17 November.[405] RIK rejected the list on 18 November, stating that out of 6,093 collected signatures, only 4,937 are valid, and that KZMT must collect the remaining 63 signatures until 20 November.[406] On the same day, KZMT collected 436 more valid signatures and RIK confirmed their electoral list.[407]
People's Party
After collecting more than 12,500 signatures, Narodna submitted its electoral list to RIK on 19 November.[408] At a press conference in the building of RIK, Jeremić said that Narodna would campaign on rejecting the Ohrid Agreement, prohibiting lithium mining, as well as "bringing back sovereignty over the national economy".[408] RIK confirmed their electoral list on 20 November.[409]
Narodna has also emphasised its support for introducing military conscription to retain military neutrality, retaining close relations with Russia, and opposing sanctions against Russia, the accession of Serbia to the European Union, and the recognition of Kosovo.[410] Jeremić has said that Serbia should seek membership in the European Economic Area instead.[411]
DJB–SDS
Initially, SDS was supposed to take part in the SPN alliance while DJB announced that they would contest the elections independently.[412] SDS was ultimately declined to join SPN, and shortly after in early November, DJB successfully negotiated with SDS and Ana Pejić's Stolen Babies movement to form a joint electoral alliance, mainly centering their opposition to the Ohrid Agreement.[413][414] The coalition, named Good Morning Serbia, submitted its electoral list to RIK on 22 November.[415] They collected over 11,500 signatures of support.[416] RIK confirmed their electoral list on 23 November, with 10,534 valid signatures.[417]
Others
The Russian Party, together with the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia (NKPJ), submitted its electoral list on 25 November.[418] On the same day, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Čedomir Jovanović and the Serbia in the West coalition, composed of Nova–D2SP, Civic Democratic Forum, Liberals and Democrats, and Glas submitted their electoral list.[419][420][421] The electoral lists of the citizens group We–The Voice from the People (MI–GIN), represented by conspiracy theorist Branimir Nestorović.[422][423] RIK proclaimed the electoral lists of We–The Voice from the People and Serbia in the West on 27 November.[424] On 28 November, the electoral lists of Russian Party–NKPJ and LDP were proclaimed by RIK.[425] Jovanović met with Kurti on 3 December, with whom he discussed about Serbia–Kosovo relations.[426]
Opinion polls
Шаблон:Main Opinion polling for the 2023 parliamentary election in Serbia was conducted by various monitoring and research organisations such as Demostat, NSPM, Agency Faktor Plus, Šta Srbija misli?/New Third Way, Stata Agency, and CRTA.[427] Stata Agency has also published scenario polls, featuring a SNS–SPS alliance, the Serbia Against Violence coalition, and the "state-building opposition"; Vukadinović of NSPM has criticised Stata's scenario polls, saying that the coalition "Serbia Against Violence is not exactly a fiction, then, for now, only a projection and, possibly, the desire of some media and political factors. It is difficult to compare something that actually exists with something that could possibly be".[428] Anđelković also said that "public's pulse is very fluid when the elections are still relatively far away".[428] Besides Stata, CRTA has also published a scenario poll in October 2023.[429]
The Bureau of Social Research (BIRODI) has criticised opinion polling in which "information about the name of the agency that conducted the opinion poll, the individual who ordered the opinion poll, the number of respondents, the time when the opinion poll was carried out, as well as the question that were asked to the respondents" is not present, and has called news agencies to not publish those opinion polls.[430] BIRODI has stated these organisations "give the opportunity to use opinion polls for propaganda purposes" and has noted that the elements lead to the "deprofessionalisation of a public opinion researcher".[430] Srećko Mihailović of Demostat has also stated that most opinion polls in Serbia are "biased and unprofessional", claiming that "clients are political parties and the government, and researchers manipulate the ratings of parties" in opinion polls.[431] The World Association for Public Opinion Research, an international professional association of opinion poll researchers, has listed Serbia as a country where there is a denial of the right to public opinion research, stating that "there is pressure from the government, politicians, and some media".[432]
Graphical summary
The graph below showcases major parties and alliances in opinion polls from the 2022 parliamentary election to 17 December 2023.
Conduct
On election day, 17 December, voting stations were opened from 07:00 to 20:00.[433] Monitoring and non-governmental organisations, such as CeSID, CRTA, and Kreni-Promeni, reported that the election day was marked with electoral fraud.[434][435][436][437] By 9:00, CeSID reported over 50 irregularities, this included irregularities such as non-compliance of procedures by members of election committees and voters photographing or recording their ballot papers, while Kreni-Promeni reported instances of irregularities, including the Bulgarian train vote-rigging method at voting stations in New Belgrade.[434] Nedeljkov from CRTA also reported that in Odžaci CRTA observers were physically attacked and that their cars sustained damage from the attackers.[438] In Odžaci, CRTA observers previously reported an instance of a Bulgarian train.[438] Throughout the rest of the election day, CeSID continued to report more irregularities and intimidation.[439] Parandilović from SPN also published a video in which two Priboj councillor candidates were rigging election ballots.[440]
Voters from Republika Srpska were also driven to the Štark Arena in Belgrade.[441] Despite Štark Arena not being a voting station, voters from Republika Srpska confirmed that the Arena was used illegally as a voting station and as a redirect station towards official voting stations in Belgrade.[442] The security at the Štark Arena did not allow members of RIK to enter the building.[443] Brnabić said that she did not see what was irregular or illegal with the arena serving as a redirect station for voters from Republika Srpska.[444] Miodrag Jovanović, a professor at the Faculty of Law, said that in regards to the Arena, "it is illegal for someone to have a residence where he does not live".[445]
In its report, ODIHR concluded that SNS had a "systematic advantage which created unfair conditions in the elections" and that Vučić, the president of Serbia, heavily dominated the election campaign, despite not being a candidate in it.[446] According to ODIHR, there was abuse of public funds, the media monitoring body, Regulatory Body for Electronic Media, was also not efficient during the election campaign, and that despite the elections being well organised, they were organised in a "societal and political divided ambience".[446] ODIHR said that the campaign was polarised and met with negative campaigning and fearmongering.[446] The Federal Foreign Office of Germany said that abuse of public funds, fearmongering of voters, and vote buying is "unacceptable for a country with the status of a candidate for EU membership".[447]
Шаблон:Ill, the chief of the delegation of PACE that monitored the elections, said that "the elections were not fair" and that he had seen "ballots that were printed by a photocopier".[448] In a joint statement, Josep Borrell and Olivér Várhelyi, on behalf of the European Commission, said that Serbia's "electoral process requires tangible improvement and further reform".[449] Political scientist Florian Bieber said that "irregularities appeared to be more widespread than in previous [elections]".[450] Matthew Miller, the spokesperson of the United States Department of State, called for the government of Serbia to investigate the irregularities that occurred.[451] United States senators Jeanne Shaheen and Pete Ricketts also called for the government to "urgently consider whether elections should be repeated in certain regions", saying that the elections were not free and fair.[452] Andreas Schieder, who monitored the elections on behalf of the European Parliament, criticised Brnabić, saying that "the government should work on solving numerous claims about pressure on voters, vote buying, violating voting secrecy, biased media, and the president's involvement in the campaign".[453]
Vučić and SNS denied all of the electoral fraud allegations.[435] Brnabić accused the opposition and CRTA of "destabilising Serbia and its constitutional order" and verbally attacked Schennach and Schieder due to them criticising the conduct of the election.[454][455]
Results
There were 6,500,666 citizens in total who had the right to vote in the parliamentary election.[456] Out of 8,273 voting stations in total, voters abroad could have voted at 81 voting stations in 35 different countries.[457][458] 32,216 dual citizens registered to take part in the elections abroad.[457] In Canada, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States, voting occurred on 16 December from 07:00 to 20:00.[424] Elections will be repeated at 30 voting stations in 19 different municipalities on 30 December.[459]
After the voting stations were closed, CeSID/Ipsos and CRTA were the first to report their projections of the results.[460][461] According to the 18 December projection from CeSID/Ipsos, SNS won 46 percent of popular vote and 128 seats in the National Assembly, successfully returning its parliamentary majority, while SPN placed second, with 23.6 percent of popular vote and 65 seats in the National Assembly.[462] According to CeSID/Ipsos, SPS only won 6 percent of popular vote and 18 seats in the National Assembly, this being the worst result of SPS since the 2007 parliamentary election, while NADA won 4.9 percent of popular vote.[462] In a surprise move, Nestorović's MI–GIN also crossed the threshold, winning 13 seats in total.[462] Out of the minority lists, VMSZ won 6 seats, SPP–DSHV won 3 seats, SDAS won 2 seats, and SDAS and Russian Party won one seat respectively.[462] The NO coalition of Dveri and SSZ failed to cross the threshold, winning only 2.8 percent of popular vote.[463] SNS received the most votes abroad.[464]
RIK broadcast the results live, with the results being updated every 5 minutes.[465] After the publishing of the overall report on the election, RIK must award the candidates the seats of the National Assembly in less than 10 days.[433]
Aftermath
The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and Danas newspaper reported in early December that on 22 September, Vučić signed an agreement with the European Commission on the production of lithium batteries in Serbia.[466] The government of Serbia previously cancelled the Rio Tinto lithium mine project in January 2022, amidst the environmental protests, but the EIU reported that in the September 2023 agreement "the government [of Serbia] has not given up on a plan to allow the mining of lithium at Jadar".[466] The agreement also includes a construction of another factory in Ćuprija.[466] EIU stated that due to the 2023 parliamentary election, "the government is likely to stall the plans, reviving them only once the December election is over".[466]
Following the elections on 17 December, SPN began organising protests outside the RIK building.[467] At the 18 December protest, Aleksić and Tepić announced that they would go on a hunger strike until the results of the Belgrade City Assembly elections are annulled.[468] SPN expanded their demands on 20 December by demanding the annulment of all 17 December election results.[469] Alongside SPN, NADA, Narodna, SDS, and Dveri also expressed their support for the annulment of 17 December election results and the scheduling of a new ones.[470] On 21 December, members of the National Assembly Jelena Milošević and Danijela Grujić joined Aleksić and Tepić in their hunger strike.[471] A day later, Janko Veselinović and Željko Veselinović also began their hunger strike, while on 23 December MPs-elect Branko Miljuš and Dušan Nikezić began their hunger strike.[472][473]
Due to failing to cross the threshold, Obradović of Dveri and all members of the presidency of Narodna, including president Jeremić, resigned from their positions.[474][475]
Reactions
SNS proclaimed victory after the voting stations were closed, with Brnabić saying at a press conference that "according to 50 percent of processed polling stations, i.e. on a sample of 50 percent, the 'Serbia Must Not Stop' list currently has 47.1 percent of popular vote".[476] SNS was congratulated by Dačić and Milorad Dodik, the president of Republika Srpska, and Katalin Novák, the president of Hungary.[477][478][479] Vučić alleged that a "an important country intervened in the election process of Serbia in the most brutal way".[480]
Nestorović of MI–GIN said that "even though no one gave us a chance, we became one of the four or five strongest parties"; he rejected cooperating with SNS or SPN after the elections.[481] Danas newspaper described Nestorović as "the biggest surprise" of the 2023 elections.[482] At a SPS press conference, Dačić also said "this result is, as far as we are concerned, unsatisfactory, and I will discuss with my colleagues from SPS what is best for the party in the coming period. My personal opinion is that it is necessary to find a new SPS leader".[477] Pásztor said that VMSZ "achieved the election result that we wanted" and expressed joining the next SNS-led government.[483]
Miloš Bešić, a professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences, said that the society in Serbia "is even more divided after the elections" and argued that "the failure of right-wing parties is one of the main impressions of the voting results".[484] Bešić also said that the attacks of SNS on SPS during the election campaign was also shown in the elections, due to the decrease in support of SPS and an increase in support of SNS.[484] He, however, noted that both SNS and SPS combined won less votes than in the 2022 election.[484]
Government formation
On several occasions, Dačić has expressed his support for continuing to work with SNS after the 2023 election.[485][486] In October, Dačić had said: "I am convinced that we will continue cooperation even after the victory in the December elections, in the interest of Serbia, and a better future for all the citizens of our country, as well as the Serbian people as a whole."[485] In an November interview with Insajder, Dačić said that the goal of SPS is "to win a parliamentary majority, together with SNS, because we alone cannot have a majority" and that "the best solution for Serbia is ... that Vučić should be president ... and Dacić should be prime minister."[486] Dačić later said, in regards to SNS forming a government with SPS, that "[SPS] wants [to be in the government], but if they do not want us, then there is no problem"; he has also criticised opposition parties and described them as "a big fraud called DOS".[487] Other SPS politicians, like Paunović and Toma Fila, also expressed their support for continuing to work with SNS after the elections.[488][489] VMSZ also expressed its support for extending the cooperation with SNS after the 2023 election.[490]
Despite taking part with SNS in the Belgrade City assembly election, Vučić said that the next government would not include SRS due to programme differences, naming European Union as an example.[491] Vučić has also expressed doubts in SPS during the campaign period, while Brnabić has also criticised SPS officials such as Ružić, her former cabinet minister.[492][493] Vučević also said that "there are no guarantees that SPS will ... switch to the other side."[494] Dušan Spasojević, a Faculty of Political Sciences professor, said that the "attacks on SPS are aimed to win back part of the voters who voted for the Socialists in the last elections, and perhaps to take over part of their voting base".[495] Popović of the Centre for Practical Politics argued the same.[496]
Notes
References
External links
Шаблон:Portal bar Шаблон:Serbian elections
| развернутьПартнерские ресурсы |
|---|
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite journal
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite journal
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite book
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 14,0 14,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 22,0 22,1 Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 36,0 36,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 67,0 67,1 67,2 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 68,0 68,1 68,2 68,3 68,4 68,5 68,6 68,7 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 71,0 71,1 71,2 71,3 71,4 71,5 71,6 71,7 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 73,0 73,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 76,0 76,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 91,0 91,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 99,0 99,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 101,0 101,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 108,0 108,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 122,0 122,1 122,2 Шаблон:Cite book
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 127,0 127,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 143,0 143,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 176,0 176,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 180,0 180,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 181,0 181,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 194,0 194,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 219,0 219,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 226,0 226,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 232,0 232,1 232,2 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 235,0 235,1 235,2 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 236,0 236,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 272,0 272,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 279,0 279,1 279,2 Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 291,0 291,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 302,0 302,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_SNSне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 317,0 317,1 Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_SPSне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_SPNне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 336,0 336,1 336,2 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 344,0 344,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 345,0 345,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_NADAне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 351,0 351,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 358,0 358,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 360,0 360,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокNO_RIKне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_VMSZне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_UZPне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_SDASне указан текст - ↑ Перейти обратно: 399,0 399,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 403,0 403,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 404,0 404,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite AV media
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_KZMTне указан текст - ↑ Перейти обратно: 408,0 408,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_NARODNAне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_DJSне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 424,0 424,1 Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_27Novне указан текст - ↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег
<ref>; для сносокRIK_RSLDPне указан текст - ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Multiple sources: Шаблон:Bulleted list
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 428,0 428,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 430,0 430,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 433,0 433,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 434,0 434,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 435,0 435,1 Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 438,0 438,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 446,0 446,1 446,2 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 457,0 457,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 462,0 462,1 462,2 462,3 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 466,0 466,1 466,2 466,3 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 477,0 477,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 484,0 484,1 484,2 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 485,0 485,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Перейти обратно: 486,0 486,1 Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
- Английская Википедия
- Страницы с неработающими файловыми ссылками
- 2023 elections in Serbia
- December 2023 events in Serbia
- Parliamentary elections in Serbia
- Страницы, где используется шаблон "Навигационная таблица/Телепорт"
- Страницы с телепортом
- Википедия
- Статья из Википедии
- Статья из Английской Википедии
- Страницы с ошибками в примечаниях
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
.jpg){kind=link}
_(cropped).jpg){kind=link}
