Английская Википедия:Anton Webern

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Anton WebernШаблон:Efn (Шаблон:IPA-de; 3 December 1883Шаблон:Snd15 September 1945) was an Austrian composer and conductor. His music was among the most radical of its milieu in its concision and use of then novel atonal and twelve-tone techniques in an increasingly rigorous manner, somewhat after the Franco-Flemish School of his studies under Guido Adler. With his mentor Arnold Schoenberg and his colleague Alban Berg, Webern was at the core of those within the broader circle of the Second Viennese School. He was arguably the first and certainly the last of the three to write music in a style lauded for its aphoristic, expressionist potency, reflecting his instincts and the idiosyncrasy of his compositional process.

Unhappy in his early career as a peripatetic theater music director, Webern came to some prominence and increasingly high regard as a vocal coach, choirmaster, conductor, and teacherШаблон:Efn in Red Vienna. With a publication agreement through Emil Hertzka's Universal Edition and Schoenberg away at the Prussian Academy of Arts, Webern wrote music of increasing confidence, independence, and scale from the 1920s onward. He maintained his "path to the new music" while marginalized as a "cultural Bolshevist".

Posthumously Webern's later music was celebrated by a variety of mid-century musicians, especially composers, in a phenomenon known as post-Webernism.Шаблон:Efn Yet most understanding was fledgling after years of severe disruption, when he was variously neglected or opposed, nor were his musical semantics or semiotics, performance practices, or sociocultural contexts widely studied. This situation was remedied by musicians and scholars who helped publish and record his complete works as well as establish them in the standard repertoire.

Biography

1883–1908: Upbringing between Шаблон:Lang Vienna and countryside

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Webern was born in Vienna, then in Austria-Hungary. He was the only surviving son of Carl von Webern, a descendent of Шаблон:Interlanguage link multi, high-ranking civil servant, mining engineer,Шаблон:Sfn and owner of the Lamprechtsberg copper mine in the Koralpe; and Amalie (née Geer), a competent pianist and accomplished singer.Шаблон:Sfn

He lived in Graz and Klagenfurt for much of his youth, but his distinct and lasting sense of Heimat was shaped by reading RoseggerШаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn and by summers with his parents, sisters, and cousins at their country estate, the Preglhof.[1] Webern memorialized the Preglhof in a diary poem "An der Preglhof" and in the tone poem Im Sommerwind (1904), both after Bruno Wille's idyll.

After a trip to Bayreuth,Шаблон:Sfn Webern studied musicology at the University of Vienna (1902–1906) with Guido Adler, a friend of Mahler, composition student of Bruckner,Шаблон:Efn and devoted Wagnerian who had been in contact with both Wagner and Liszt.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn He learned the historical development of musical styles and techniques, writing his doctoral thesis on Heinrich Isaac's Choralis Constantinus.Шаблон:Sfn Webern also studied art history and philosophy under professors Max Dvořák, Шаблон:Ill, and Franz Wickhoff,[2] joining the Albrecht Dürer GesellschaftШаблон:Efn in 1903.Шаблон:Sfn His cousin Ernst Dietz, an art historian studying in Graz, may have led him to the work of Böcklin and Giovanni Segantini, which he admired along with that of Ferdinand Hodler and Moritz von Schwind.Шаблон:Sfn Webern mentioned the panelsШаблон:Efn of Segantini's Шаблон:LangШаблон:Efn in the preface of Webern's correspondingly tripartite, single-movement string quartet (1905) as "Шаблон:Lang",[3]Шаблон:Efn which quoted Jakob Böhme.Шаблон:Sfn

In 1904, he approached Hans Pfitzner for composition lessons but left angrily when Pfitzner criticized Mahler and Richard Strauss.Шаблон:Sfn Guido Adler, who admired Schoenberg's work, may have sent Webern to Schoenberg for composition lessons. Webern progressed quickly under Schoenberg; the Passacaglia, Op. 1 (1908) was his graduation piece. He also met Berg, then another of Schoenberg's pupils. The three became devoted, lifelong friends and shared similar musical trajectories.Шаблон:Sfn

1908–1918: Early adulthood and war in Austria-Hungary

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Webern, 1912

Webern revisited the Preglhof (sold by his father in 1912 and mourned as a "lost paradise"), the family grave at the cemetery in Schwabegg, and the surrounding Carinthian-Styrian Alps for the rest of his life.Шаблон:Sfn He associated these places with the memory of his mother, whose 1906 loss profoundly affected him.[4] He wrote Schoenberg (Sept. 1912), "When I read letters from my mother, I could die of longing for the places where all these things have occurred".Шаблон:Sfn His music reflected these memories: "my compositions ... relate to the death of my mother";Шаблон:Efn "through my work, all that is past becomes like a childhood".Шаблон:Efn

With Alexander Zemlinsky's help,[5] Webern worked as a conductor and musical coach in various towns and cities (e.g., Ischl, Teplitz,Шаблон:Efn Danzig,Шаблон:Efn Stettin,Шаблон:Efn Prague). Enraptured by Debussy's Pelléas et Mélisande in 1908, he conducted Debussy's music in 1911. But he was unhappy and returned to Mödling to be near Schoenberg, despite Schoenberg's and his father's advice that he not leave his theater post in Prague.Шаблон:Sfn In 1912–1913 he had a breakdown and saw Alfred Adler, who noted his idealism and perfectionism in evaluating his symptoms as psychogenic responses to unmet expectations. Webern found this psychoanalysis helpful and insightful, as he shared with Schoenberg.Шаблон:Sfn

1918–1933: Rise in Шаблон:Lang (Interwar Vienna)

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Webern, 1927, portrait by Georg Fayer

From 1918 to 1921, Webern worked for the Society for Private Musical Performances, giving concerts of new music by Bartók, Berg, Busoni, Debussy, Korngold, Mahler, Ravel, Max Reger, Satie, Strauss, Stravinsky, and Webern himself. After their Society performances in 1919 and while working on his own Opp. 14–15, Webern wrote Berg about Stravinsky's "indescribably touching" Berceuses du chat and "glorious" Pribaoutki.Шаблон:Sfn Like Berceuses du chat, Webern's subsequent Five Canons, Op. 16, were each only several measures long and scored for vocalist and clarinet(s).

After the Society's dissolution amid catastrophic hyperinflation in 1921, Webern worked as director of the Шаблон:Lang and in 1922 of the mixed-voice amateur Шаблон:LangШаблон:Efn and the Шаблон:LangШаблон:Efn through David Josef Bach, Director of the Шаблон:Lang.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn In 1926, Webern resigned as chorusmaster of the Mödling Шаблон:LangШаблон:Efn for hiring Jewish soprano Greta Wilheim as a stand-in soloist for Schubert's cantata Mirjams Siegesgesang.[6] Österreichischer Rundfunk aired his performances at least twenty times starting in 1927. In 1933 he hired Erich Leinsdorf as Шаблон:Lang pianist;Шаблон:Efn they performed Stravinsky's ballet-cantata Les Noces, which may have influenced Webern.[7]Шаблон:Efn

The Шаблон:Ill further polarized and radicalized Social Democrat–Social Christian relations.Шаблон:Sfn Webern and othersШаблон:Efn signed an "Announcement of Intellectual Vienna"Шаблон:Efn published on the front page of the Social Democrats' daily Arbeiter-ZeitungШаблон:Efn days before the 1927 Austrian legislative election.Шаблон:Sfn On Election Day in Шаблон:Ill, Ignaz Seipel of the Шаблон:Ill officially applied the term "Red Vienna" pejoratively, attacking Vienna's educational and cultural institutions.Шаблон:Sfn Social unrest escalated to the July Revolt of 1927,Шаблон:Sfn unsettling Webern and intensifying his nostalgia for social order.Шаблон:Sfn

Webern's music was performed more widely starting in the latter half of 1920s, yet he found no great success as Berg enjoyed with Wozzeck nor as Schoenberg did, to a lesser extent, with Pierrot lunaire or in time with Verklärte Nacht. His Symphony, Op. 21, was performed in New York by the League of Composers (1929) and in London at the 1931 International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM) Festival. He twice received the Шаблон:Ill.Шаблон:Efn

Though Berg celebrated the "lasting works" and successes of composers "whose point of departure was ... late Mahler, Reger, and Debussy and whose temporary end point is in ... Schoenberg"Шаблон:Sfn in their rise from "pitiful 'cliques'" to a large, diverse, international, and "irresistible movement" (1928),Шаблон:Sfn they were marginalized and ostracized in Central Europe with few exceptions.[8]Шаблон:Efn In Шаблон:Lang (1932–1933)Шаблон:Efn Webern attacked fascist cultural policy, asking "What will come of our struggle?", observing that "'cultural Bolshevism' is the name given to everything that is going on around Schoenberg, Berg, and myself (Krenek too)",Шаблон:Efn and warning "Imagine what will be destroyed, wiped out, by this hate of culture!"[9]

1933–1938: Perseverance in Шаблон:Lang (Austrofascist Vienna)

Financial crises, complex social and political movements, pervasive anti-Semitism, culture wars, and renewed military conflictsШаблон:Efn continued to shape Webern's world, profoundly circumscribing his life.[10] In the Austrian Civil War, AustrofascistsШаблон:Efn executed, exiled, and imprisoned Social Democrats, outlawed their party,[11] and abolished cultural institutions. Webern lost a promising conducting career, which might have been better recorded.[12] He worked as a UE editor and Шаблон:Ill President (1933–1938, 1945).Шаблон:Sfn

His music and that of Berg, Krenek, Schoenberg, et al. was declared "Jewish" in AustriaШаблон:Efn and Шаблон:Lang by Nazis.[13] Persevering, Webern wrote Krenek that "art has its own laws ... if one wants to achieve something in it, only these laws and nothing else can have validity";Шаблон:Efn upon completing Op. 26 (1935), he wrote DJ Bach, "I hope it is so good that (if people ever get to know it) they will declare me ready for a concentration camp or an insane asylum!"Шаблон:Sfn The Vienna Philharmonic nearly refused to play Berg's Violin Concerto (1936).Шаблон:Efn Peter Stadlen's 1937 Op. 27 premières were the last Viennese Webern performances until after World War II.[14] The critical success of Hermann Scherchen's 1938 ISCM London Op. 26 première encouraged Webern to write more cantatas and reassured him after a cellist quit Op. 20 mid-performance, declaring it unplayable.[15]

Webern's views of National Socialism were variously described.Шаблон:Efn Published itemsШаблон:Efn reflected Webern's vacillations or ambivalence as well as his audience or context.[16] Secondary literature reflected limited evidence, musicological polemics, or broader ideological orientationsШаблон:Efn and commonly admitted uncertainty.Шаблон:Sfn Musicologist Julie Brown noted hesitancy to approach the topic and echoed the Moldenhauers, considering the issue "vexed" and Webern a "political enigma".[17] Bailey Puffett considered his politics "somewhat vague" and his situation "complex", noting that he practically avoided definitive political association.Шаблон:Sfn Johnson described him as "personally shy, a man of private feeling and essentially apolitical",Шаблон:Sfn "prone to identify with Nazi politics as ... other ... Austrians".Шаблон:Sfn Violinist Louis Krasner found Webern "idealistic and rather naive".Шаблон:Efn In 1943 Kurt List described Webern as "utterly ignorant" and "perpetual[ly] confus[ed]" about politics, "a ready prey to the personal influence and family and friends". List ventured that "[n]ationalist ideas may have saved [Webern] from the concentration camp".Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn

Webern's friends, family, and colleagues contained vast differences,Шаблон:Sfn from Austrian National Socialists in his familyШаблон:Efn and friendsШаблон:Sfn to the Zionist Schoenberg,Шаблон:Efn the left-leaning Berg,Шаблон:Efn and others of their mostly Jewish, Social Democratic milieu in once "red" Vienna.[18] Presuming power would moderate Hitler, Webern mediated with an optimistic, perhaps self-soothing, complacency that exasperated his threatened friends.[19] He found himself surrounded mostly by one side as Schoenberg emigrated to the US (1933), Berg died (1935), and DJ Bach, among others, fled or worse.Шаблон:Sfn

1938–1939: Inner emigration in the German Reich

Krasner's last Webern visit was interrupted by the Anschluss: Webern turned on the radio to hear the news, urging Krasner to flee.[20] Krasner wondered whether Webern knew the Anschluss was planned that day, as Webern's family included Nazis, and whether this was for his safety or to save Webern the embarrassment of Krasner's presence during a time of possible celebration in Webern's home or indeed in most of Mödling.[21] Bailey Puffett suggested otherwise, noting Webern wrote his lyricist and collaborator Шаблон:Ill and her spouse, sculptor Josef Humplik that day, "I am totally immersed in my work [composing] and cannot, cannot be disturbed."[22]

Bailey Puffett wrote that Webern likely hoped to conduct and to secure a firmer future for his family under a new regime proclaiming itself "socialist" no less than nationalist.Шаблон:Sfn As an expression of pan-Germanism and populism, many German-speaking VolkШаблон:Efn hoped for stability and prosperity within a nation-state (the Reich). In opposition to the Austrofascists and after years of Nazi soft power proceeding to occupation,Шаблон:Efn some on the Austrian leftШаблон:Efn had promoted unification and now supported the post hoc 1938 Austrian Anschluss referendumШаблон:Sfn on premises of Realpolitik and self-determination in line with the Grossdeutsche Lösung (1848), the Provisional National Assembly's unanimous support (1918),Шаблон:Efn and the Шаблон:Ill (1926-1933).Шаблон:Efn

Kristallnacht shocked Webern, and he visited and aided Jewish colleagues DJ Bach, Шаблон:Ill, Josef Polnauer, and Hugo Winter.Шаблон:Sfn For Jokl, a former Berg pupil, Webern wrote a recommendation letter to facilitate emigration. When that failed, Webern served as his godfather in a 1939 baptism.Шаблон:Sfn Polnauer, a fellow early Schoenberg pupil, historian, and librarian whose emigration Schoenberg and Webern were unable to secure,[23] managed to survive the Holocaust as an albino; he later edited a 1959 UE publication of Webern's correspondence from this time with Humplik and Jone.[24] Webern moved Humplik's 1929 gift of a Mahler bust to his bedroom.Шаблон:Sfn

Webern found himself increasingly isolated,Шаблон:Sfn with "almost all his friends and old pupils ... gone",Шаблон:Sfn and his financial situation was poor. He had considered joining Schoenberg in the USШаблон:Sfn but was reluctant to leave home and family. He entered a period of "inward emigration",[25] writing to artist Franz Rederer in 1939, "We live completely withdrawn. I work a lot."Шаблон:Sfn He corresponded extensively to maintain relationships, but the coming war limited postal service.[26]

1939–1945: Hope and disillusionment during World War II

Sharing in wartime public sentiment at the height of Hitler's popularity (spring 1940), Webern expressed high hopes, crediting him as "unique" and "singular"Шаблон:Efn for "the new state for which the seed was laid twenty years ago" in patriotic letters to Joseph Hueber, a close friend, active soldier, mountaineering companion, and baritone who often sent Webern gifts.[27] (Indeed, Hueber had just sent Webern Mein Kampf.)Шаблон:Efn Unaware of Stefan George's aversion to the Nazis, Webern marveled suggestively at the wartime leader envisioned in rereading Шаблон:Lang, but "I am not taking a position!" he wrote active soldier, singer, and onetime Social Democrat, Hans Humpelstetter.Шаблон:Sfn For Johnson, "Webern's own image of a Шаблон:Lang was never of this world; if his politics were ultimately complicitous it was largely because his utopian apoliticism played so easily into ... the status quo."Шаблон:Sfn

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Grave of Webern and his wife Minna at the cemetery in Mittersill

By Aug. 1940, Webern was financially dependent on his children.[28] He attended 1940 Swiss performances of Op. 1 and Op. 4 as well as Scherchen's 1943 Op. 30 première with support from the Orchester Musikkollegium Winterthur and Werner Reinhart. He intimated to Шаблон:Ill that he might emigrate but failed to obtain foreign conducting opportunities.Шаблон:Sfn These were his last trips outside the Шаблон:Lang, within which he also hoped for opportunities.Шаблон:Sfn

His 1943–1945 letters were strewn with references to bombings, deaths, destruction, privation, and the disintegration of local order, but several grandchildren were born.Шаблон:Sfn In Dec. 1943, aged 60, he wrote from a barrack that he was working 6 am–5 pm as an air-raid protection police officer, conscripted into the war effort.Шаблон:Sfn His only son Peter, intermittently conscripted since 1940,Шаблон:Sfn was killed by an air attack (14 Feb. 1945).Шаблон:Sfn

With the Red Army's April 1945 arrival imminent, the Weberns gave Schoenberg's first son Görgi assistance and ultimately their Mödling apartment, the property and childhood home of Webern's son-in-law Benno Mattl.Шаблон:Efn Görgi later told Krasner that Webern "felt he'd betrayed his best friends." The Weberns fled west, resorting to traveling partly on foot to Mittersill to rejoin their family of "17 persons pressed together in the smallest possible space".Шаблон:Sfn

On the night of 15 Sept. 1945, Webern was smoking outside when he was shot and killed by a US soldier in an apparent accident.[29] Webern's wife Wilhelmine "Minna" Mörtl's last years were marred by grief, poverty, and loneliness as friends and family continued emigrating. She wished Webern lived to see more success, and her grief was compounded by no commemoration in Vienna. With the abolition of the Шаблон:Lang ban, Шаблон:Ill solicited her for hidden manuscripts; thus Opp. 17, 24–25, and 29–31 were published. She worked to get Webern's 1907 Piano Quintet published via Kurt List.

In 1947 she wrote Dietz, now in the US, that by 1945 Webern was "firmly resolved to go to England". Likewise, in 1946 she wrote DJ Bach in London: "How difficult the last eight years had been for him. ... [H]e had only the one wish: to flee from this country. But one was caught, without a will of one's own. ... It was close to the limit of endurance what we had to suffer."Шаблон:Sfn Minna died in 1949.

Music

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Webern's music was organic and parsimonious,Шаблон:Efn with very small motifs, palindromes, and parameterization on both the micro- and macro-scale, an idiosyncratic approach reflecting his thoroughgoing perfectionismШаблон:Efn and affinities with Schoenberg, Mahler, Guido Adler and early music, and the Шаблон:Lang of German idealism. He engaged not only with the work of Hugo Wolf, Brahms, Wagner, Liszt, Schumann, Beethoven, Schubert ("so genuinely Viennese"), and Mozart, but also with that of Goethe, Bach, and the Franco-Flemish School.[30]Шаблон:Efn Stylistic shifts were not neatly coterminous with gradually developed technical devices, particularly in the case of his middle-period Шаблон:Lang.Шаблон:Efn

Concision, adventurous textures and timbres, and melodies of wide leaps and sometimes extreme registral ranges were typical.[31] Much of Webern's (and Berg's and Schoenberg's) music was for singing.Шаблон:Sfn In Webern's music, particularly his middle-period Шаблон:Lang, some heard instrumentalizing of the voiceШаблон:Sfn (often in relation to the clarinet)Шаблон:Sfn representing yet some continuity with Шаблон:Lang.[32]Шаблон:Efn Webern was compared to Mahler in his orchestration and semantic preoccupations (e.g., memory, landscapes, nature, loss, often Catholic mysticism);Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn the opening of Op. 21 echoed that of Mahler's Ninth.Шаблон:Sfn Similarly, his Passacaglia, Op. 1 was openly modeled on that of Brahms's Fourth,Шаблон:Sfn and Op. 27, No. 1, perhaps Brahms's Op. 116, No. 5.[33]

Webern's and Schoenberg's music distinctively prioritized minor seconds, major sevenths, and minor ninths,Шаблон:Efn as noted in 1934 by microtonalist Alois Hába.Шаблон:Sfn The Kholopov siblings noted the semitone's unifying role by axial inversional symmetry and octave equivalence as interval class 1 (ic1), approaching Allen Forte's generalized pitch-class set analysis.Шаблон:Sfn Webern's consistent use of ic1 in cells and sets, often expressed as a wide interval musically,[34] was well noted.Шаблон:Efn Symmetric pitch-interval practices varied in rigor and use by others (e.g., Berg, Schoenberg, Bartók, Debussy, Stravinsky; more nascently Mahler, Bruckner,Шаблон:Efn Liszt, Wagner). Berg and Webern took symmetric approaches to elements of music beyond pitch. Webern later linked pitches and other parameters in schemes (e.g., fixed or "frozen" register).[35]

Relatively few of Webern's works were published in his lifetime. Amid fascism and Emil Hertzka's passing, this included late as well as early works and those without opus numbers. His rediscovery prompted many publications, but some early works were unknown until after the work of the Moldenhauers well into the 1980s, obscuring formative facets of his musical identity.[36] Thus when Boulez first oversaw a project to record Webern's music, the results fit on three CDs and the second time, six.[37]Шаблон:Efn A Шаблон:Lang has remained in progress.

1899–1908: Formative juvenilia and emergence from study

Webern published little juvenilia; like Brahms, he was meticulous and self-conscious, revising extensively.[38] His earliest works were mostly Lieder on works of Richard Dehmel, Gustav Falke, and Theodor Storm. Schubert, Schumann, and Wolf were important models. With its brief but potent expressiveness and utopianization of the natural world, the (German) Romantic Lied had a lasting influence on Webern's musical aesthetic.Шаблон:Sfn He never abandoned its lyricism, intimacy, and wistful or nostalgic topics, though his music became more abstract, idealized, and introverted.Шаблон:Sfn

The Passacaglia, Op. 1 (1908) was his graduation piece after study with Schoenberg. Its chromatic harmonic language, traditional structure, and less conventional orchestration distinguish it from earlier works, foreshadowing Webern's later use of compositional techniques (especially canons) and forms in a highly idiosyncratic musical language.Шаблон:Efn

1908–1914: Atonality and aphorism

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Webern's music, like Schoenberg's, was freely atonal after Op. 2. Some of their and Berg's music from this time was published in Der Blaue Reiter.Шаблон:Sfn Webern and Schoenberg were so close artistically, Schoenberg later joked, "I haven't the slightest idea who I am".Шаблон:Sfn But Webern was no epigone.Шаблон:Sfn The first of his innovative and increasingly extremely aphoristic Opp. 5–11 (1909–1914) radically influenced Schoenberg's Opp. 11/iiiШаблон:Efn and 16–17 (and thus Berg's Opp. 4–5).[39] Schoenberg was "intoxicated ... having freed music from the shackles of tonality," believing that "music could renounce motivic features and remain coherent and comprehensible".Шаблон:Sfn

Two enduring topics emerged in Webern's work: familial (especially maternal) loss and memory, often involving some religious experience, and abstracted landscapes idealized as spiritual, even pantheistic Heimat (e.g., the Preglhof, the Eastern Alps).Шаблон:Sfn Webern explored these ideas via Swedenborg's correspondences in Tot (Oct. 1913), a stage play in six reflective, self-consoling Alpine tableaux vivants. Webern's music took on the character of such static dramaticovisual scenes, with pieces frequently culminating in the accumulation and amalgamation (often the developing variation) of compositional material. Fragmented melodies frequently began and ended on weak beats, settled into or emerged from ostinati, and were dynamically and texturally faded, mixed, or contrasted.Шаблон:Sfn Tonality became less directional, functional, or narrative than tenuous, spatial, or symbolic as fit Webern's topics and literary settings. Expanding on Mahler's orchestration, Webern linked colorful, novel, fragile, and intimate sounds, often nearly silent at Шаблон:Serif, to lyrical topics: solo violin to female voice; closed or open voicings, sometimes Шаблон:Lang, to dark or light; compressed range to absence, emptiness, or loneliness and registral expansion to fulfillment, (spiritual) presence, or transcendence;Шаблон:Efn celesta, harp, and glockenspiel to the celestial or ethereal; and trumpet, harp, and string harmonics to angels or heaven.[40]Шаблон:Efn

With elements of Шаблон:Lang,Шаблон:Efn neoclassicism,Шаблон:Efn and ironic RomanticismШаблон:Efn in Pierrot lunaire, Op. 21 (1912), Schoenberg beganШаблон:Efn to distance himself from Webern's and latterly Berg's aphoristic expressionism, which provoked the 1913 Skandalkonzert.

1914–1924: Middle-period Lieder

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During and after World War I (1914–1926) Webern worked on some fifty-six songs, following Schoenberg's advice to set texts as a means of composing something more substantial than aphorisms. He finished thirty-two, ordered into sets as Opp. 12–19.Шаблон:Sfn The contrapuntal procedures and nonstandard ensemble of Pierrot influenced Webern's Opp. 14–16:[41] "How much I owe to your Pierrot", he told Schoenberg after setting Trakl's "Abendland III" (Op. 14/iv),Шаблон:Sfn in which, distinctly, there was no silence until a pause at the concluding gesture. Webern mingled his usual topics with recurrent wartime themes of wandering in search of home or solace.

Schoenberg "yearn[ed] for a style for large forms ... to give personal things an objective, general form."Шаблон:Efn Since 1906 Berg, Schoenberg, and Webern indulged shared interest in esotericism, Swedenborgian mysticism, and Theosophy, reading Balzac's Louis Lambert and Séraphîta and Strindberg's Till Damaskus and Jacob lutte. Gabriel, protagonist of Schoenberg's semi-autobiographical Die Jakobsleiter (1914–1922, rev. 1944)Шаблон:Efn described a journey: "whether right, whether left, forwards or backwards, uphill or down – one must keep on going without asking what lies ahead or behind",Шаблон:Efn which Webern interpreted as a pitch-space metaphor. Schoenberg later reflected on "how enthusiastic [Webern and I] were about this."Шаблон:Efn On the journey to composition with twelve tones, Webern revised many of his middle-period Шаблон:Lang in the years after their apparent composition but before publication, increasingly prioritizing clarity of pitch relations, even against timbral effects, as Anne Shreffler and Felix Meyer described.

After Op. 16, Webern used Schoenberg's twelve-tone technique for the first time, though heШаблон:Efn and Schoenberg had long experimented with the idea.

1924–1945: Formal coherence and expansion

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The symmetry of Webern's tone row from Variations, Op. 30, was apparent from the equivalent, P1=IR1 and R12=I12, and thus reduced number of row forms, two, P and R, plus transpositions. Consisting of three related tetrachords: a and c consisting of two minor seconds and one minor third and b consisting of two minor thirds and one minor second. Notes 4–7 and 6–9 also consist of two minor seconds and one minor third. "The entire series thus consists of two intervals and has the greatest possible unity of series form, interval, motif, and chords.Шаблон:Sfn

Webern's 1926–1927 String Trio, Op. 20, was his first large-scale non-vocal work since the 1914 Cello Sonata. He produced many sketches and drafts toward this goal, including an abandoned 1917 string quartet; other efforts toward a string trio; a seventeen-measure 1920 movement scored for clarinet, trumpet, and violin; and piano works including Kinderstück (1924, intended as one of a set) and Klavierstück (1925).[42]

Like Brahms's and Schoenberg's, Webern's music was marked by contrapuntal rigor, formal schemes, and systematic pitch organization long before twelve-tone technique.Шаблон:Sfn His tone rows comprised pitch groups symmetrically related by inversion, retrograde, or both (retrograde inversion), yielding invariance. He varied this structural and motivic unity superficially as before (e.g., fragmentation, Klangfarbenmelodie, and octave displacement).Шаблон:Sfn

Webern made further strides in his cantatas as he ecstatically wrote the Humpliks,Шаблон:Sfn synthesizing the rigorous style of his mature instrumental works with the word painting of his Lieder on a orchestral scale.Шаблон:Sfn His textures were somewhat denser yet more homophonic at the surface through nonetheless contrapuntal polyphonic means.Шаблон:Sfn In Op. 31/i he alternated lines and points, culminating twiceШаблон:Efn in twelve-note simultaneities.Шаблон:Sfn

At his death he left sketches for the movement of an apparent third cantata (1944–1945), first planned as a concerto, setting "Das Sonnenlicht spricht" from Jone's Lumen cycle.Шаблон:Sfn

Arrangements and orchestrations

In his youth (1903), Webern orchestrated five or more Schubert LiederШаблон:Efn for an appropriately Schubertian orchestra (strings and pairs of flutes, oboes, clarinets, bassoons, and horns). In 1934, he did the same for two of Schubert's 1824 Six German Dances.

For Schoenberg's Society for Private Musical Performances in 1921, Webern arranged, among other things,Шаблон:Sfn the 1888 Schatz-Walzer (Treasure Waltz) of Johann Strauss II's Der Zigeunerbaron (The Gypsy Baron) for string quartet, harmonium, and piano.

In 1924 Webern arranged Liszt's Arbeiterchor (Workers' Chorus, c. 1847–1848)Шаблон:Sfn for bass solo, mixed chorus, and large orchestra; thus Liszt's work was finally premièredШаблон:Efn when Webern conducted the first full-length concert of the Austrian Association of Workers Choir (13 and 14 March 1925). A review in the Wiener Zeitung (28 March 1925) read "neu in jedem Sinne, frisch, unverbraucht, durch ihn zieht die Jugend, die Freude" ("new in every respect, fresh, vital, pervaded by youth and joy").Шаблон:Sfn The text (in English translation) read in part: "Let us have the adorned spades and scoops,/Come along all, who wield a sword or pen,/Come here ye, industrious, brave and strong/All who create things great or small."

Reception, influence, and legacy

Webern's music, "regarded (to the ... extent that it was regarded at all) as the ultimate in hermetic, specialized, and idiosyncratic composition",Шаблон:Sfn was generally considered difficult by performers and inaccessible by listeners alike.[43] Schoenberg admired its concision, but even Berg joked about its brevity. Hendrik Andriessen found it "pitiful".Шаблон:Sfn

Composers and performers first tended to take Webern's work, with its residual post-Romanticism and initial expressionism, in mostly formalist directions with a certain literalism, departing from Webern's own practices and preferences in extrapolating from elements of his late style. This became known as post-Webernism.Шаблон:Sfn A richer, more historically informed understanding of Webern's music on his terms began to emerge in the latter half of the 20th century in the work of Kathryn Bailey Puffett, Nicholas Cook, Allen Forte,Шаблон:Sfn Julian Johnson, Felix Meyer, and Anne Shreffler as they and other scholars, most importantly Hans and Rosaleen Moldenhauer, gained access to then unknown or unpublished works, sketches, letters, lectures, recordings, and other articles of Webern's and others' estates.[44]Шаблон:Efn

In the immediate aftermath of World War II, Webern's characteristically passionate pan-Germanism and assistance to his Jewish friends and colleagues were not widely known or often mooted,Шаблон:Sfn but his marginalization under Gleichschaltung was appreciated.[45] Whereas for Stravinsky, Webern never compromised his artistic identity and values, for others the matter was less simple.Шаблон:Efn

1935–1947: Contemporaries' perspectives

Identifying with Webern as a "solitary soul" amid 1940s wartime fascism,Шаблон:Sfn Luigi Dallapiccola independently and somewhat singularlyШаблон:Efn found inspiration especially in Webern's lesser-known middle-period Lieder, blending its ethereal qualities and Viennese expressionism with Шаблон:Lang.Шаблон:Sfn Stunned by Webern's Op. 24 at its 1935 ISCM festival world première under Heinrich Jalowetz in Prague, Dallapiccola left the concert early with "food for thought" and an impression of the work's "aesthetic and stylistic unity on which one could not wish to improve."Шаблон:Sfn His 1943 Sex carmina alcaeiШаблон:Efn were dedicated "with humility and devotion" to Webern, who he met in 1942 through Schlee, coming away initially open-mouthed at Webern's emphasis on "our great Central European tradition."Шаблон:Sfn Dallapiccola's 1953 Goethe-lieder especially recall Webern's Op. 16 in style.Шаблон:Sfn

In 1947, Schoenberg remembered and expressed solidarity with Berg and Webern despite rumors of the latter's having "fallen into the Nazi trap":Шаблон:Efn "Let us—for the moment at least—forget all that might have at one time divided us. For there remains for our future what could only have begun to be realized posthumously: One will have to consider us three—Berg, Schoenberg, and Webern—as a unity, a oneness, because we believed in ideals, once perceived, with intensity and selfless devotion; nor would we ever have been deterred from them, even if those who tried might have succeeded in confounding us."Шаблон:Efn For Krasner this put "'Vienna's Three Modern Classicists' into historical perspective". He summarized it as "what bound us together was our idealism."Шаблон:Sfn

1947–1950s: (Re)discovery and post-Webernism

Шаблон:Quote box

Interest in Webern's music, much of it recently published after World War II, grew and acquired "a saintly, visionary aura".[46] His gradual innovations in schematic organization of pitch, rhythm, register, timbre, dynamics, articulation, and melodic contour; his later adaptation and generalization of imitative contrapuntal techniques such as canon and fugue; his inclination toward athematicism, abstraction, and lyricism variously informed and oriented European, typically serial or avant-garde composers (e.g., Messiaen, Boulez, Stockhausen, Luigi Nono, Pousseur, Ligeti, Sylvano Bussotti, Bruno Maderna, Bernd Alois Zimmermann). This was made possible in large part by René Leibowitz as he championed, performed, promulgated, and published Schoenberg et son école,Шаблон:Sfn but Adorno, Herbert Eimert, and others also contributed.Шаблон:Sfn When Webern's Piano Variations were performed at Darmstadt in 1948, young composers listened in a quasi-religious trance.Шаблон:Sfn In 1955, the second issue of Eimert and Stockhausen's journal die Reihe was devoted to Webern's Шаблон:Lang, and in 1960 his lectures were published by UE.Шаблон:Sfn Thus Webern's work came to represent a universally or generally valid, systematic, and compellingly logical model of new composition.[47]

Less so in the United States, his music attracted the interest of Elliott Carter and Aaron Copland, whose critical ambivalence was marked by a certain enthusiasm and fascination nonetheless;Шаблон:Sfn Milton Babbitt, who ultimately derived more inspiration from Schoenberg's twelve-tone practice than that of Webern;Шаблон:Sfn and particularly Stravinsky, to whom it was very fruitfully reintroduced by Robert Craft, and without which Stravinsky's late works might have taken different shape. Indeed, Stravinsky staked his contract with Columbia Records to see that Webern's "complete" music was first both recorded and widely distributed.[48] Among the more interdisciplinary New York School, John Cage and Morton Feldman both cited the staggering effect of its sound on their own music, first meeting at a performance of Webern's Symphony and even singing the praises of Christian Wolff distinctly as "our Webern".

Some composers' fascination with Webern's music post-WWII may have been partly due to its concision and apparent simplicity, thereby facilitating musical analysis.Шаблон:Sfn Gottfried Michael Koenig speculated on the basis of his personal experience that since Webern's scores represented such a highly concentrated source, they may have been considered the better for didactic purposes than those of other composers. Шаблон:Interlanguage link multi criticized the approach of early serialists to Webern's music as reductive and narrowly focused on some of Webern's apparent methods rather than on his music more generally, especially neglecting timbre in their typical selection of Opp. 27–28. Karel Goeyvaerts recalled that at least on first impression, the sound of Webern's music reminded him of "a Mondrian canvas," explaining that "things of which I had acquired an extremely intimate knowledge, came across as crude and unfinished when seen in reality."[49] Expressing a related opinion, contemporaneous German music critic and contributor to die Reihe Wolf-Eberhard von Lewinski wrote in the Darmstädter Tagblatt (3 Sept. 1959) that some of the later and more radical music at Darmstadt was "acoustically absurd [if] visually amusing"; several days later, one of his articles in the Der Kurier was similarly headlined "Meager modern music—only interesting to look at."Шаблон:Sfn

1950s onward: Beyond (late) Webern

Шаблон:Quote box

Continuing through the late 1950s onward, Webern's work reached musicians as far removed as Joel Thome and Frank Zappa,[50] yet many post-war European musicians and scholars had already begun to look beyondШаблон:Sfn as much as back at Webern in his context. Adorno, Maderna, and Nono advocated for a more cultural and historical understanding of Webern's music.Шаблон:Sfn Some advocated for more engagement with the expressionism of Webern's atonal works in contrast to some earlier post-Webernism. In Adorno's 1954 lecture "The Aging of the New Music," he claimed that in the prevailing climate "artists like Berg or Webern would hardly be able to make it"; against the "static idea of music" and "total rationalization" of the "pointillist constructivists," he advocated for more subjectivity, citing Über das Geistige in der Kunst (1911), in which Wassily Kandinsky wrote: "Schoenberg's [expressionist] music leads us to where musical experience is a matter not of the ear, but of the soul—and from this point begins the music of the future."

Pousseur quoted and his protagonist Henri analyzed Op. 31 in scene one of Votre Faust (1960–1968), yet there were already several elements of late or postmodernism, with its extreme plurality of historically developed styles, mobile form, and polyvalent roles in the service of a self-reflexive theme of relative, unstable identityШаблон:Sfn coinciding with a wider rapprochement with BergШаблон:Sfn (whose example Pousseur cited,[51] from whose music he quoted in the second scene, and whose writings he translated into French in the 1950s).[52]Шаблон:Efn Boulez was "thrilled" by Berg's "universe ... never completed, always in expansion—a world so ... inexhaustible," referring to the rigorously organized, only partly twelve-tone Chamber Concerto and echoing Adorno's praise for Lulu,Шаблон:Efn the première of which Boulez conducted in 1979 after its finished orchestration by Friedrich Cerha.

Engaging particularly with Webern's atonal works by some contrast to earlier post-Webernism, both Brian Ferneyhough and Helmut Lachenmann found much in Webern on the way to complexity in the case of the former and musique concrète instrumentale in the case of the latter. Ferneyhough and Lachenmann respectively expanded upon and poetically went further than Webern in attention to the smallest of details and the use of ever more radically extended techniques: for example, Ferneyhough's 1967 Sonatas for string quartet comprise not only serial, but also atonal sections much in the style of Webern's Op. 9 yet more intensely sustained; and Lachenmann wrote in the 1985 essay, "Hearing [Hören] is Defenseless—without Listening [Hören]," of "a melody made of a single note [...] in the viola part" in mm. 2–4 of Webern's Op. 10, No. 4, amid "the mere ruins of the traditional linguistic context," in a comparison to his own 1969 Air, in which even "the pure tone, now living in tonal exile, has in this new context no aesthetic advantage over pure noise."

Eastern Europe as exception

In the Communist Bloc, the music of the Second Viennese School proved an often bewildering or professionally dangerous but sometimes exciting or inspiring alternative to socialist realist art music, given access. Whereas Berg's Lyric Suite, performed by the Kolisch Quartet at the 1927 Baden-Baden ISCM festival where Bartók performed his own Piano Sonata, could inspire Bartók in his subsequent third and fourth string quartetsШаблон:Sfn and later Concerto for Orchestra,Шаблон:Sfn Second Viennese influence on composers behind the Iron Curtain was mediated by anti-fascist and anti-German sentimentШаблон:Sfn and obstructed by anti-formalist cultural policiesШаблон:Sfn and Cold War separation more generally. In 1970 Ligeti explained, "In countries where there exists a certain isolation, in Eastern Europe, one cannot obtain correct information. One is cut off from the circulation of blood."Шаблон:Sfn Following the 1956 uprising in Hungary, the influence of Webern initially predominated, bearing on Pál Kadosa, Endre Szervánszky, and György Kurtág.[53] Among Czechs, Marek Kopelent, who discovered the Second Viennese School as an editor and was particularly taken by Webern,Шаблон:Sfn was ostracized and blacklisted for his avant-garde music at home and despaired, unable to attend performances of his own works abroad;Шаблон:Sfn while Pavel Blatný, who attended the Шаблон:Lang and wrote music with serial techniques in the late 1960s, returned to tonality in Brno and was rewarded.Шаблон:Sfn

In Soviet Russia specifically, as official condemnation and restricted access eased somewhat with the repeal of anti-formalist resolutions amid the post-Stalinist Khrushchev Thaw in the late 1950s and early 1960s, modernist and avant-garde scores and recordings entered through family (e.g., the relationship between Sergei Slonimsky and Nicolas Slonimsky), friends, journalists, composers, and especially musicians (e.g., Igor Blazhkov, Gérard Frémy, Alexei Lubimov, Maria Yudina) as they traveled more.Шаблон:Sfn Kholopov risked arrest for obtaining scores from West Berlin and the Leipzig office of Schott Music while stationed nearby in Zossen as a military band arranger (1955–1958).Шаблон:Sfn Philip Herschkowitz, poverty-stricken, had been teaching privately with cautious emphasis on Beethoven and the tradition from which Webern emerged,Шаблон:Sfn while in Soviet Music Marcel Rubin criticized "Webern and His Followers" (1959), by contrast to Berg and Schoenberg, precisely for going too far;Шаблон:Sfn and Alfred Schnittke complained in an open letter (1961) of composers' restricted education.Шаблон:Sfn Through Grigory Shneyerson's anti-formalist On Music Living and Dead (1960) and Johannes Paul Thilman's anti-modernist "On the Dodecaphonic Method of Composition" (1958), many (e.g., Eduard Artemyev, Vladimir Martynov, Boris Tischenko,Шаблон:Efn Viktor Yekimovsky) ironically learned more about what had been and even was still forbidden.Шаблон:Sfn

Via Andrei Volkonsky, Lydia Davydova recalled, "Russia heard the music of the Renaissance and the early Baroque for the first time. He also had scores that his relatives sent him from abroad and also records sent by his relatives. You could say the same about modern music, because at his apartment I heard for the first time Schoenberg—Pierrot Lunaire—and the Webern cantatas."Шаблон:Sfn Tischenko similarly remembered: "Precisely he [Volkonsky], precisely in the 1960s, discovered the regularity of the music that he composed. He was the first swallow of the avant-garde. And those who came after him ... they already followed in his tracks. I consider A. Volkonsky the discoverer."Шаблон:Sfn Edison Denisov described the 1960s as his "second conservatory" and also credited Volkonsky not only for introducing the likes of Webern and his followers, but also of Carlo Gesualdo.Шаблон:Sfn

This tolerance did not survive Brezhnev and the Stagnation:Шаблон:Sfn Volkonsky emigrated in 1973, Herschkowitz in 1987, and of Khrennikov's Seven (1979), Denisov, Elena Firsova, Sofia Gubaidulina, Dmitri Smirnov, and Viktor Suslin eventually emigrated.Шаблон:Sfn

Since the 1980s: Reappraisals and polemics

Webern's music remains polarizing and provocative within various communities of musicians and scholars.[54] Its legacy (or canonic status) has been celebrated, confirmed, and challengedШаблон:Sfn with recourse or reference to culture, history, ideology, philosophy, politics, social context, and public opinion or audience reception as a critical basis, ranging from the earlier interdisciplinary aesthetics and sociomusicology of Adorno and Ernst Bloch to the New Musicology of Susan McClary and more adjacently Richard Taruskin in the US. Complementing formal musical analysis, which itself was enriched by David Lewin's work toward a more integrative (or "phenomenological") approach, Julian Johnson worked toward a hermeneutics of Webern's music, building on the middle-period Lieder sketch studies of Felix Meyer and Anne Shreffler as well as the work of the Moldenhauers.

Since postmodernism and the "Restoration of the 1980s," as Martin Kaltenecker termed a paradigm shift from structure more toward perception within the discourse of New Music, challenges were raised within historical musicology and more broadly intellectual and cultural history, including those of a historiographical nature.Шаблон:Sfn This prompted controversy and admonishments: Charles Rosen scorned a "kind of historical criticism ... avoiding any serious engagement with a work or style that one happens not to like";Шаблон:Sfn Andreas Holzer warned of "the spread of post-factual tendencies in musicology";Шаблон:Sfn and Pamela M. Potter cautioned that "[i]t is important to consider all the scholarship on musical life in the Third Reich that, taken together, reveals the complexity of the day-to-day existence of musicians and composers", as "[i]t seems inevitable that debates about the political culpability of individuals will persist, especially if the stakes remain so high for composers, for whom an up or down vote can determine inclusion in the canon."Шаблон:Sfn Taruskin's work, noted for its polemicism,[55]Шаблон:Efn was criticized as to New Music since and including the Second Viennese School[56]Шаблон:Efn by many,Шаблон:Efn including Franklin Cox, who faulted him as an unreliable historian and "ideologist of tonal restoration," arguing that his "reactionary historicist" project opposed the Second Viennese School's "progressivist historicist" emancipation of the dissonance.Шаблон:Sfn Taruskin acknowledged his "dubious reputation" on the Second Viennese School but stood by his criticisms of their "idiosyncratic view of the past," drawing a line from Webern and Adler to Hanslick and "neo-Hegelian historians", especially Franz Brendel.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn In relation to post-Webernism more generally, Holzer warned of attempts "to place Darmstadt in a fascistoid corner or even identifying it as a US propaganda institution amid the Cold War"Шаблон:Efn through "unbelievable distortions, exaggerations, reductions and propagation of clichés".Шаблон:Efn

Performance practice

Шаблон:Quote box

Webern insisted on lyricism, nuance, rubato, sensitivity, and both emotional and intellectual understanding in performance of music;Шаблон:Sfn this was evidenced by anecdotes, correspondence, extant recordings of Schubert's Deutsche Tänze (arr. Webern) and Berg's Violin Concerto under his direction, many such detailed markings in his scores (including a specially marked score of the Piano Variations),Шаблон:Sfn and finally by his compositional process as both publicly stated and later revealed in the musical and extramusical metaphors and associations everywhere throughout his sketches. As both a composer and conductor, he was one of many (e.g., Wilhelm Furtwängler, Dimitri Mitropoulos, Scherchen) in a contemporaneous tradition of conscientiously and non-literally handling notated musical figures, phrases, and even entire scores so as to maximize expressivity in performance and to cultivate audience engagement and understanding.Шаблон:Sfn

This aspect of Webern's work was typically missed in his immediate post-war reception, however,[57] one that was roughly coterminous with the early music revival (i.e., with the rediscovery of other "music that is at the same time old and new," as Nicholas Cook and Anthony Pople glossed it and as addressed by Richard Taruskin).

Felix Galimir of the Galimir Quartet told The New York Times in 1981: "Berg asked for enormous correctness in the performance of his music. But the moment this was achieved, he asked for a very Romanticized treatment. Webern, you know, was also terribly Romantic—as a person, and when he conducted. Everything was almost over-sentimentalized. It was entirely different from what we have been led to believe today. His music should be played very freely, very emotionally."[58]

Recordings by Webern

Notes

Шаблон:Notelist

References

Шаблон:Reflist

Bibliography

Шаблон:Div col

Шаблон:Div col end

Further reading

External links

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  1. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  2. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  3. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  4. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  5. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  6. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  7. ↑ Шаблон:Cite news; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  8. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  9. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  10. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  11. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  12. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  13. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  14. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  15. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  16. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  17. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  18. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  19. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  20. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  21. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  22. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  23. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  24. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  25. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  26. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  27. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  28. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  29. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  30. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  31. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  32. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  33. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  34. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  35. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  36. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  37. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  38. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  39. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  40. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  41. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  42. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  43. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb. Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  44. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  45. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  46. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  47. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  48. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  49. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  50. ↑ Шаблон:Cite web
  51. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  52. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  53. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  54. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  55. ↑ Шаблон:Cite news; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  56. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  57. ↑ Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb; Шаблон:Harvnb
  58. ↑ Шаблон:Cite news
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