Английская Википедия:Biblical Hebrew

Biblical Hebrew (Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:Audio or Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:Audio), also called Classical Hebrew, is an archaic form of the Hebrew language, a language in the Canaanite branch of Semitic languages spoken by the Israelites in the area known as the Land of Israel, roughly west of the Jordan River and east of the Mediterranean Sea. The term "Hebrew" (ivrit) was not used for the language in the Hebrew Bible, which was referred to as Шаблон:Lang (sefat kena'an, i.e. language of Canaan) or Шаблон:Lang (Yehudit, i.e. Judaean), but the name was used in Ancient Greek and Mishnaic Hebrew texts.^[1]

The Hebrew language is attested in inscriptions from about the 10th century BCE,^[2]^[3] when it was almost identical to Phoenician and other Canaanite languages, and spoken Hebrew persisted through and beyond the Second Temple period, which ended in the siege of Jerusalem (70 CE). It eventually developed into Mishnaic Hebrew, spoken until the fifth century CE.

The language of the Hebrew Bible reflects various stages of the Hebrew language in its consonantal skeleton, as well as a vocalization system which was added in the Middle Ages by the Masoretes. There is also some evidence of regional dialectal variation, including differences between Biblical Hebrew as spoken in the northern Kingdom of Israel and in the southern Kingdom of Judah. The consonantal text was transmitted in manuscript form, and underwent redaction in the Second Temple period, but its earliest portions (parts of Amos, Isaiah, Hosea and Micah) can be dated to the late 8th to early 7th centuries BCE.

Biblical Hebrew has been written with a number of different writing systems. From around the 12th century BCE until the 6th century BCE the Hebrews used the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet. This was retained by the Samaritans, who use the descendent Samaritan script to this day. However, the Imperial Aramaic alphabet gradually displaced the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet after the exile to Babylon, and it became the source for the Modern Hebrew alphabet. All of these scripts were lacking letters to represent all of the sounds of Biblical Hebrew, although these sounds are reflected in Greek and Latin transcriptions/translations of the time. These scripts originally indicated only consonants, but certain letters, known by the Latin term matres lectionis, became increasingly used to mark vowels. In the Middle Ages, various systems of diacritics were developed to mark the vowels in Hebrew manuscripts; of these, only the Tiberian vocalization is still in wide use.

Biblical Hebrew possessed a series of emphatic consonants whose precise articulation is disputed, likely ejective or pharyngealized. Earlier Biblical Hebrew possessed three consonants which did not have their own letters in the writing system, but over time they merged with other consonants. The stop consonants developed fricative allophones under the influence of Aramaic, and these sounds eventually became marginally phonemic. The pharyngeal and glottal consonants underwent weakening in some regional dialects, as reflected in the modern Samaritan Hebrew reading tradition. The vowel system of Biblical Hebrew changed over time and is reflected differently in the ancient Greek and Latin transcriptions, medieval vocalization systems, and modern reading traditions.

Biblical Hebrew had a typical Semitic morphology with nonconcatenative morphology, arranging Semitic roots into patterns to form words. Biblical Hebrew distinguished two genders (masculine, feminine), three numbers (singular, plural, and uncommonly, dual). Verbs were marked for voice and mood, and had two conjugations which may have indicated aspect and/or tense (a matter of debate). The tense or aspect of verbs was also influenced by the conjunction Шаблон:Lang, in the so-called waw-consecutive construction. Unlike modern Hebrew, the default word order for biblical Hebrew was verb–subject–object, and verbs inflected for the number, gender, and person of their subject. Pronominal suffixes could be appended to verbs (to indicate object) or nouns (to indicate possession), and nouns had special construct states for use in possessive constructions.

Nomenclature

The earliest written sources refer to Biblical Hebrew as Шаблон:Lang "the language of Canaan".^[4]^[5] The Hebrew Bible also calls the language Шаблон:Lang "Judaean, Judahite"^[6]^[5] In the Hellenistic period, Greek writings use the names Hebraios, Hebraïsti^[7] and in Mishnaic Hebrew we find Шаблон:Lang 'Hebrew' and Шаблон:Lang "Hebrew language".^[8]^[5] The origin of this term is obscure; suggested origins include the biblical Eber, the ethnonyms Ḫabiru, Ḫapiru, and ˁApiru found in sources from Egypt and the near east, and a derivation from the root Шаблон:Lang "to pass" alluding to crossing over the Jordan River.^[5]Шаблон:Sfn Jews also began referring to Hebrew as Шаблон:Lang "the Holy Tongue" in Mishnaic Hebrew.^[5]

The term Classical Hebrew may include all pre-medieval dialects of Hebrew, including Mishnaic Hebrew, or it may be limited to Hebrew contemporaneous with the Hebrew Bible. The term Biblical Hebrew refers to pre-Mishnaic dialects (sometimes excluding Dead Sea Scroll Hebrew). The term Biblical Hebrew may or may not include extra-biblical texts, such as inscriptions (e.g. the Siloam inscription), and generally also includes later vocalization traditions for the Hebrew Bible's consonantal text, most commonly the early medieval Tiberian vocalization.Шаблон:Citation needed

History

Coin issued during the Bar Kokhba revolt. The Paleo-Hebrew text reads Шаблон:Lang "Simeon" on the front and Шаблон:Lang "for the freedom of Jerusalem" on the back.

The archeological record for the prehistory of Biblical Hebrew is far more complete than the record of Biblical Hebrew itself.^[9] Early Northwest Semitic (ENWS) materials are attested from 2350 BCE to 1200 BCE, the end of the Bronze Age.^[9] The Northwest Semitic languages, including Hebrew, differentiated noticeably during the Iron Age (1200–540 BCE), although in its earliest stages Biblical Hebrew was not highly differentiated from Ugaritic and the Canaanite of the Amarna letters.^[10]

Hebrew developed during the latter half of the second millennium BCE between the Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea, an area known as Canaan.^[5] The Israelite tribes established a kingdom in Canaan at the beginning of the first millennium BCE, which later split into the kingdom of Israel in the north and the kingdom of Judah in the south after a disputed succession.^[11]

The kingdom of Israel was destroyed by the Assyrians in 722 BCE.^[11] The kingdom of Judah was conquered by the Babylonians in 586 BCE. The upper classes were exiled into the Babylonian captivity and Solomon's Temple was destroyed.^[11]^[12] Later the Persians made Judah a province and permitted Jewish exiles to return and rebuild the Temple.^[11] According to the Gemara, Hebrew of this period was similar to Imperial Aramaic;^[13]^[14] Hanina bar Hama said that God sent the exiled Jews to Babylon because "[the Babylonian] language is akin to the Leshon Hakodesh".^[15]

Aramaic became the common language in the north, in Galilee and Samaria.^[12] Hebrew remained in use in Judah; however the returning exiles brought back Aramaic influence, and Aramaic was used for communicating with other ethnic groups during the Persian period.^[12] Alexander conquered Judah in 332 BCE, beginning the period of Hellenistic (Greek) domination.^[12] During the Hellenistic period Judea became independent under the Hasmonean dynasty, but later the Romans ended their independence, making Herod the Great their governor.^[11] One Jewish revolt against the Romans led to the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, and the second Bar Kokhba revolt in 132–135 led to a large departure of the Jewish population of Judea.^[11]

Biblical Hebrew after the Second Temple period evolved into Mishnaic Hebrew, which ceased being spoken and developed into a literary language around 200 CE.^[16] Hebrew continued to be used as a literary and liturgical language in the form of Medieval Hebrew, and Hebrew began a revival process in the 19th century, culminating in Modern Hebrew becoming the official language of Israel. Currently, Classical Hebrew is generally taught in public schools in Israel, and Biblical Hebrew forms are sometimes used in Modern Hebrew literature, much as archaic and biblical constructions are used in Modern English literature. Since Modern Hebrew contains many biblical elements, Biblical Hebrew is fairly intelligible to Modern Hebrew speakers.^[17]

The primary source of Biblical Hebrew material is the Hebrew Bible.^[10]^[18] Epigraphic materials from the area of Israelite territory are written in a form of Hebrew called Inscriptional Hebrew, although this is meagerly attested.^[18]^[19] According to Waltke & O'Connor, Inscriptional Hebrew "is not strikingly different from the Hebrew preserved in the Masoretic text."^[19] The damp climate of Israel caused the rapid deterioration of papyrus and parchment documents, in contrast to the dry environment of Egypt, and the survival of the Hebrew Bible may be attributed to scribal determination in preserving the text through copying.^[20] No manuscript of the Hebrew Bible dates to before 400 BCE, although two silver rolls (the Ketef Hinnom scrolls) from the seventh or sixth century BCE show a version of the Priestly Blessing.^[20]^[21]^[22] Vowel and cantillation marks were added to the older consonantal layer of the Bible between 600 CE and the beginning of the 10th century.^[23]^{[nb 1]} The scholars who preserved the pronunciation of the Bibles were known as the Masoretes. The most well-preserved system that was developed, and the only one still in religious use, is the Tiberian vocalization, but both Babylonian and Palestinian vocalizations are also attested.^[23] The Palestinian system was preserved mainly in piyyutim, which contain biblical quotations.^[23]

Classification

Шаблон:See also

Development of the various fricatives in Hebrew, Aramaic and Arabic^[24]^[25]^[26]
Proto-Semitic	Hebrew	Aramaic	Arabic	Examples
Proto-Semitic	Hebrew	Aramaic	Arabic	Hebrew	Aramaic	Arabic	meaning
Шаблон:IPA *ḏ	Шаблон:IPA ז	Шаблон:IPA ד	Шаблон:IPA ذ	זָהָב זָכָר	דְּהָב דְּכָר	ذَهَب ذَكَر	'gold' 'male'
Шаблон:IPA¹ *z	Шаблон:IPA ז	Шаблон:IPA ז	Шаблон:IPA ز	מֹאזְנָיִם זְמָן	מֹאזְנָיִן זְמָן	مَوَازَيْن زَمَن	'scale' 'time'
Шаблон:IPA *s	Шаблон:IPA ס		Шаблон:IPA س Шаблон:IPA ش	סַכִּין‎ סַהַר		سِكِّين شَهْر	'knife' 'moon/month'
Шаблон:IPA *ś	Шаблон:IPA שׂ		Шаблон:IPA ش	עָשָׂר		عَشْر	'ten'
Шаблон:IPA *š	Шаблон:IPA שׁ	Шаблон:IPA שׁ	Шаблон:IPA س	שָׁנָה שָׁלוֹם	שָׁנָה שְׁלָם	سَنة سَلام	'year' 'peace'
Шаблон:IPA *ṯ	Шаблон:IPA שׁ	Шаблон:IPA ת	Шаблон:IPA ث	שָׁלוֹשׁ שְׁתָּיִם	תְּלָת תְּרֵין	ثَلاث اِثْنان	'three' 'two'
Шаблон:IPA¹ *ṱ	Шаблон:IPA¹ צ	Шаблон:IPA ט	Шаблон:IPA ظ	צֵל צָהֳרָיִם	טְלָה טֹהֶר	ظِلّ ظُهْر	'shadow' 'noon'
Шаблон:IPA¹ *ṣ́		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA ض	אֶרֶץ צָחַק	אֶרַע עֲחַק	أَرْض ضَحِكَ	'land' 'laughed'
Шаблон:IPA¹ *ṣ		Шаблон:IPA צ	Шаблон:IPA ص	צָרַח צַבָּר	צְרַח צַבָּר	صَرَخَ صَبْر	'shout' 'water melon like plant'
Шаблон:IPA *ḫ	Шаблон:IPA ח		Шаблон:IPA خ	חֲמִשָּׁה צָרַח	חַמְשָׁה צְרַח	خَمْسة صَرَخَ	'five' 'shout'
Шаблон:IPA *ḥ	Шаблон:IPA ח		Шаблон:IPA ح	מֶלַח חָלוֹם	מֶלַח חֲלָם	مِلْح حُلْم	'salt' 'dream'
Шаблон:IPA *ġ	Шаблон:IPA ע		Шаблон:IPA غ	עוֹרֵב מַעֲרָב	עוֹרָב מַעֲרָב	غُرَاب غَرْب	'raven' 'west'
Шаблон:IPA *ʻ	Шаблон:IPA ע		Шаблон:IPA ع	עֶבֶד שֶׁבַע		عَبْد سَبْع	'slave' 'seven'

Biblical Hebrew is a Northwest Semitic language from the Canaanite subgroup.^[27]Шаблон:Sfn

As Biblical Hebrew evolved from the Proto-Semitic language it underwent a number of consonantal mergers parallel with those in other Canaanite languages.^[24]^[28]^[29]^{[nb 2]} There is no evidence that these mergers occurred after the adaptation of the Hebrew alphabet.^[30]^{[nb 3]}

As a Northwest Semitic language, Hebrew shows the shift of initial Шаблон:IPA to Шаблон:IPA, a similar independent pronoun system to the other Northwest Semitic languages (with third person pronouns never containing Шаблон:IPA), some archaic forms, such as Шаблон:IPA 'we', first person singular pronominal suffix -i or -ya, and Шаблон:IPA commonly preceding pronominal suffixes.^[28] Case endings are found in Northwest Semitic languages in the second millennium BCE, but disappear almost totally afterwards.^[28] Mimation is absent in singular nouns, but is often retained in the plural, as in Hebrew.^[28]

The Northwest Semitic languages formed a dialect continuum in the Iron Age (1200–540 BCE), with Phoenician and Aramaic on each extreme.^[28]^[31] Hebrew is classed with Phoenician in the Canaanite subgroup, which also includes Ammonite, Edomite, and Moabite.^[28] Moabite might be considered a Hebrew dialect, though it possessed distinctive Aramaic features.^[31]^[32] Although Ugaritic shows a large degree of affinity to Hebrew in poetic structure, vocabulary, and some grammar, it lacks some Canaanite features (like the Canaanite shift and the shift Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA), and its similarities are more likely a result of either contact or preserved archaism.^[33]

Hebrew underwent the Canaanite shift, where Proto-Semitic Шаблон:IPA tended to shift to Шаблон:IPA, perhaps when stressed.^[28]^[34] Hebrew also shares with the Canaanite languages the shifts Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA, Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA, widespread reduction of diphthongs, and full assimilation of non-final /n/ to the following consonant if word final, i.e. Шаблон:Lang /bat/ from *bant.^[28] There is also evidence of a rule of assimilation of /y/ to the following coronal consonant in pre-tonic position, shared by Hebrew, Phoenician and Aramaic.^[35]

Typical Canaanite words in Hebrew include: Шаблон:Lang "roof" Шаблон:Lang "table" Шаблон:Lang "window" Шаблон:Lang "old (thing)" Шаблон:Lang "old (person)" and Шаблон:Lang "expel".^[28] Morphological Canaanite features in Hebrew include the masculine plural marker Шаблон:Lang, first person singular pronoun Шаблон:Lang, interrogative pronoun Шаблон:Lang, definite article Шаблон:Lang (appearing in the first millennium BCE), and third person plural feminine verbal marker Шаблон:Lang.^[28]

Eras

Biblical Hebrew as preserved in the Hebrew Bible is composed of multiple linguistic layers. The consonantal skeleton of the text is the most ancient, while the cantillation and modern vocalization are later additions reflecting a later stage of the language.^[18] These additions were added after 600 CE; Hebrew had already ceased being used as a spoken language around 200 CE.^[36] Biblical Hebrew as reflected in the consonantal text of the Bible and in extra-biblical inscriptions may be subdivided by era.

The oldest form of Biblical Hebrew, Archaic Hebrew, is found in poetic sections of the Bible and inscriptions dating to around 1000 BCE, the early Monarchic Period.^[37]^[38] This stage is also known as Old Hebrew or Paleo-Hebrew, and is the oldest stratum of Biblical Hebrew. The oldest known artifacts of Archaic Biblical Hebrew are various sections of the Tanakh, including the Song of Moses (Exodus 15) and the Song of Deborah (Judges 5).^[39] Biblical poetry uses a number of distinct lexical items, for example Шаблон:Lang for prose Шаблон:Lang 'see', Шаблон:Lang for Шаблон:Lang 'great'.^[40] Some have cognates in other Northwest Semitic languages, for example Шаблон:Lang 'do' and Шаблон:Lang 'gold' which are common in Canaanite and Ugaritic.^[41] Grammatical differences include the use of Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang, and Шаблон:Lang as relative particles, negative Шаблон:Lang, and various differences in verbal and pronominal morphology and syntax.^[42]

Later pre-exilic Biblical Hebrew (such as is found in prose sections of the Pentateuch, Nevi'im, and some Ketuvim) is known as 'Biblical Hebrew proper' or 'Standard Biblical Hebrew'.^[37]^[38] This is dated to the period from the 8th to the 6th century BCE. In contrast to Archaic Hebrew, Standard Biblical Hebrew is more consistent in using the definite article Шаблон:Lang, the accusative marker Шаблон:Lang, distinguishing between simple and waw-consecutive verb forms, and in using particles like Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang rather than asyndeton.^[43]

Biblical Hebrew from after the Babylonian exile in 587 BCE is known as 'Late Biblical Hebrew'.^[37]^[38] Late Biblical Hebrew shows Aramaic influence in phonology, morphology, and lexicon, and this trend is also evident in the later-developed Tiberian vocalization system.^[44]

Qumran Hebrew, attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls from ca. 200 BCE to 70 CE, is a continuation of Late Biblical Hebrew.^[38] Qumran Hebrew may be considered an intermediate stage between Biblical Hebrew and Mishnaic Hebrew, though Qumran Hebrew shows its own idiosyncratic dialectal features.^[45]

Dialects

Dialect variation in Biblical Hebrew is attested to by the well-known shibboleth incident of Judges 12:6, where Jephthah's forces from Gilead caught Ephraimites trying to cross the Jordan river by making them say Шаблон:Lang šibboleṯ ('ear of corn')^[46] The Ephraimites' identity was given away by their pronunciation: Шаблон:Lang sibboleṯ.^[46] The apparent conclusion is that the Ephraimite dialect had Шаблон:IPA for standard Шаблон:IPA.^[46] As an alternative explanation, it has been suggested that the proto-Semitic phoneme Шаблон:IPA, which shifted to Шаблон:IPA in most dialects of Hebrew, may have been retained in the Hebrew of the trans-Jordan^[47]^{[nb 4]} (however, there is evidence that Шаблон:Lang's Proto-Semitic ancestor had initial consonant š (whence Hebrew Шаблон:IPA), contradicting this theory;^[46] for example, Шаблон:Lang's Proto-Semitic ancestor has been reconstructed as *šu(n)bul-at-.^[48]); or that the Proto-Semitic sibilant *s₁, transcribed with šin and traditionally reconstructed as *Шаблон:IPA, had been originally *Шаблон:IPA while another sibilant *s₃, transcribed with sameḵ and traditionally reconstructed as /s/, had been originally Шаблон:IPA;^[49] later on, a push-type chain shift changed *s₃ Шаблон:IPA to Шаблон:IPA and pushed s₁ Шаблон:IPA to Шаблон:IPA in many dialects (e.g. Gileadite) but not others (e.g. Ephraimite), where *s₁ and *s₃ merged into /s/.

Hebrew as spoken in the northern Kingdom of Israel, known also as Israelian Hebrew, shows phonological, lexical, and grammatical differences from southern dialects.^[50] The Northern dialect spoken around Samaria shows more frequent simplification of Шаблон:IPA into Шаблон:IPA as attested by the Samaria ostraca (8th century BCE), e.g. Шаблон:Lang (= Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA 'wine'), while the Southern (Judean) dialect instead adds in an epenthetic vowel /i/, added halfway through the first millennium BCE (Шаблон:Lang = Шаблон:IPA).^[28]^{[nb 5]}^[51] The word play in Amos 8:1–2 Шаблон:Lang may reflect this: given that Amos was addressing the population of the Northern Kingdom, the vocalization *קֵיץ would be more forceful.^[51] Other possible Northern features include use of Шаблон:Lang 'who, that', forms like Шаблон:Lang 'to know' rather than Шаблон:Lang and infinitives of certain verbs of the form Шаблон:Lang 'to do' rather than Шаблон:Lang.^[52] The Samaria ostraca also show Шаблон:Lang for standard Шаблон:Lang 'year', as in Aramaic.^[52]

The guttural phonemes Шаблон:IPA merged over time in some dialects.^[53] This was found in Dead Sea Scroll Hebrew, but Jerome attested to the existence of contemporaneous Hebrew speakers who still distinguished pharyngeals.^[53] Samaritan Hebrew also shows a general attrition of these phonemes, though Шаблон:IPA are occasionally preserved as Шаблон:IPA.^[54]

Orthography

Шаблон:Main

Name	Paleo-Hebrew	Block	Samaritan	Phonetic value (Pre-Exilic)^[55]^[56] (IPA)
Aleph	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Alef.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Beth	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Bet.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink
Gimel	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Gimel.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink
Daleth	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Dalet.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink
He	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter He.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Waw	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Vav.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink/Шаблон:IPA
Zayin	Файл:Moabite zayin.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Heth	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Het.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink or Шаблон:IPAblink
Teth	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Tet.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Yodh	Файл:Yod-Signos.PNG	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Kaph	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Kaf.svg	Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink
Lamedh	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Lamed.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Mem	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Mem.svg	Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Nun	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Nun.svg	Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Samekh	Файл:Samek-Signos.PNG	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Ayin	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Ayin.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink or Шаблон:IPAblink^[57]^[58]
Pe	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Pe.svg	Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink
Tsade	Файл:PhoenicianTsade-01.svg	Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Qoph	Qoph	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink
Resh	Файл:Paleo Hebrew Letter Resh.svg	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink
Shin	Shin	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink or [ɬ͡s]
Taw	Taw	Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:Script	Шаблон:IPAblink, Шаблон:IPAblink

The earliest Hebrew writing yet discovered, found at Khirbet Qeiyafa, dates to the 10th century BCE.^[2] The 15 cm x 16.5 cm (5.9 in x 6.5 in) trapezoid pottery sherd (ostracon) has five lines of text written in ink in the Proto-Canaanite alphabet (the old form which predates both the Paleo-Hebrew and Phoenician alphabets).^[2]^[3] The tablet is written from left to right, suggesting that Hebrew writing was still in the formative stage.^[3]

The Israelite tribes who settled in the land of Israel used a late form of the Proto-Sinaitic Alphabet (known as Proto-Canaanite when found in Israel) around the 12th century BCE, which developed into Early Phoenician and Early Paleo-Hebrew as found in the Gezer calendar (Шаблон:Circa).^[59]^[60] This script developed into the Paleo-Hebrew script in the 10th or 9th centuries BCE.^[61]^[62]^[63] The Paleo-Hebrew alphabet's main differences from the Phoenician script were "a curving to the left of the downstrokes in the "long-legged" letter-signs... the consistent use of a Waw with a concave top, [and an] x-shaped Taw."^[61]^{[nb 6]} The oldest inscriptions in Paleo-Hebrew script are dated to around the middle of the 9th century BCE, the most famous being the Mesha Stele in the Moabite language (which might be considered a dialect of Hebrew).^[21]^[32] The ancient Hebrew script was in continuous use until the early 6th century BCE, the end of the First Temple period.^[64] In the Second Temple Period the Paleo-Hebrew script gradually fell into disuse, and was completely abandoned among the Jews after the failed Bar Kochba revolt.^[62]^[65] The Samaritans retained the ancient Hebrew alphabet, which evolved into the modern Samaritan alphabet.^[62]^[65]

By the end of the First Temple period the Aramaic script, a separate descendant of the Phoenician script, became widespread throughout the region, gradually displacing Paleo-Hebrew.^[65] The oldest documents that have been found in the Aramaic Script are fragments of the scrolls of Exodus, Samuel, and Jeremiah found among the Dead Sea scrolls, dating from the late 3rd and early 2nd centuries BCE.^[66] It seems that the earlier biblical books were originally written in the Paleo-Hebrew script, while the later books were written directly in the later Assyrian script.^[62] Some Qumran texts written in the Assyrian script write the tetragrammaton and some other divine names in Paleo-Hebrew, and this practice is also found in several Jewish-Greek biblical translations.^[62]^{[nb 7]} While spoken Hebrew continued to evolve into Mishnaic Hebrew, A number of regional "book-hand" styles were put into use for the purpose of Torah manuscripts and occasionally other literary works, distinct from the calligraphic styles used mainly for private purposes.^[67] The Mizrahi and Ashkenazi book-hand styles were later adapted to printed fonts after the invention of the printing press.^[67] The modern Hebrew alphabet, also known as the Assyrian or Square script, appears a descendant of the Aramaic alphabet.^[65]

The Phoenician script had dropped five characters by the 12th century BCE, reflecting the language's twenty-two consonantal phonemes.^[63] The 22 letters of the Paleo-Hebrew alphabet numbered less than the consonant phonemes of ancient Biblical Hebrew; in particular, the letters Шаблон:Angle bracket could each mark two different phonemes.^[68] After a sound shift the letters Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang could only mark one phoneme, but (except in Samaritan Hebrew) Шаблон:Lang still marked two. The old Babylonian vocalization system wrote a superscript Шаблон:Lang above the Шаблон:Lang to indicate it took the value Шаблон:IPA, while the Masoretes added the shin dot to distinguish between the two varieties of the letter.^[69]^[70]

The original Hebrew alphabet consisted only of consonants, but the letters Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang, also were used to indicate vowels, known as matres lectionis when used in this function.^[63]^[71] It is thought that this was a product of phonetic development: for instance, *bayt ('house') shifted to Шаблон:Lang in construct state but retained its spelling.^[72] While no examples of early Hebrew orthography have been found, older Phoenician and Moabite texts show how First Temple period Hebrew would have been written.^[71] Phoenician inscriptions from the 10th century BCE do not indicate matres lectiones in the middle or the end of a word, for example Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang for later Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang, similarly to the Hebrew Gezer Calendar, which has for instance Шаблон:Lang for Шаблон:Lang and possibly Шаблон:Lang for Шаблон:Lang.^[71] Matres lectionis were later added word-finally, for instance the Mesha inscription has Шаблон:Lang for later Шаблон:Lang; however at this stage they were not yet used word-medially, compare Siloam inscription Шаблон:Lang versus Шаблон:Lang (for later Шаблон:Lang).^[71] The relative terms defective and full/plene are used to refer to alternative spellings of a word with less or more matres lectionis, respectively.^[71]^{[nb 8]}

The Hebrew Bible was presumably originally written in a more defective orthography than found in any of the texts known today.^[71] Of the extant textual witnesses of the Hebrew Bible, the Masoretic text is generally the most conservative in its use of matres lectionis, with the Samaritan Pentateuch and its forebearers being more full and the Qumran tradition showing the most liberal use of vowel letters.^[73] The Masoretic text mostly uses vowel letters for long vowels, showing the tendency to mark all long vowels except for word-internal Шаблон:IPA.^[72]^{[nb 9]} In the Qumran tradition, back vowels are usually represented by Шаблон:Angle bracket whether short or long.^[74]^[75] Шаблон:Angle bracket is generally used for both long Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA (Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang), and final Шаблон:IPA is often written as Шаблон:Lang in analogy to words like Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang, e.g. Шаблон:Lang, sometimes Шаблон:Lang.^[74]^[75] Шаблон:Angle bracket is found finally in forms like Шаблон:Lang (Tiberian Шаблон:Lang), Шаблон:Lang (Tiberian Шаблон:Lang) while Шаблон:Angle bracket may be used for an a-quality vowel in final position (e.g. Шаблон:Lang) and in medial position (e.g. Шаблон:Lang).^[74] Pre-Samaritan and Samaritan texts show full spellings in many categories (e.g. Шаблон:Lang vs. Masoretic Шаблон:Lang in Genesis 49:3) but only rarely show full spelling of the Qumran type.^[76]

Presumably, the vowels of Biblical Hebrew were not indicated in the original text, but various sources attest to them at various stages of development. Greek and Latin transcriptions of words from the biblical text provide early evidence of the nature of Biblical Hebrew vowels. In particular, there is evidence from the rendering of proper nouns in the Koine Greek Septuagint (3rd–2nd centuries BCE^[77]) and the Greek alphabet transcription of the Hebrew biblical text contained in the Secunda (3rd century CE, likely a copy of a preexisting text from before 100 BCE^{[nb 10]}). In the 7th and 8th centuries CE various systems of vocalic notation were developed to indicate vowels in the biblical text.^[78] The most prominent, best preserved, and the only system still in use, is the Tiberian vocalization system, created by scholars known as Masoretes around 850 CE.^[23]^[79] There are also various extant manuscripts making use of less common vocalization systems (Babylonian and Palestinian), known as superlinear vocalizations because their vocalization marks are placed above the letters.^[23]^[79]^{[nb 11]}^{[nb 12]} In addition, the Samaritan reading tradition is independent of these systems and was occasionally notated with a separate vocalization system.^[79]^[80]^{[nb 13]} These systems often record vowels at different stages of historical development; for example, the name of the Judge Samson is recorded in Greek as Σαμψών Sampsōn with the first vowel as Шаблон:IPA, while Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA with Шаблон:IPA shows the effect of the law of attenuation whereby Шаблон:IPA in closed unstressed syllables became Шаблон:IPA.^[81] All of these systems together are used to reconstruct the original vocalization of Biblical Hebrew.

At an early stage, in documents written in the paleo-Hebrew script, words were divided by short vertical lines and later by dots, as reflected by the Mesha Stone, the Siloam inscription, the Ophel inscription, and paleo-Hebrew script documents from Qumran.^[82] Word division was not used in Phoenician inscriptions; however, there is no direct evidence for biblical texts being written without word division, as suggested by Nahmanides in his introduction to the Torah.^[82] Word division using spaces was commonly used from the beginning of the 7th century BCE for documents in the Aramaic script.^[82] In addition to marking vowels, the Tiberian system also uses cantillation marks, which serve to mark word stress, semantic structure, and the musical motifs used in formal recitation of the text.^[83]^[84]

While the Babylonian and Palestinian reading traditions are extinct, various other systems of pronunciation have evolved over time, notably the Yemenite, Sephardi, Ashkenazi, and Samaritan traditions. Modern Hebrew pronunciation is also used by some to read biblical texts. The modern reading traditions do not stem solely from the Tiberian system; for instance, the Sephardic tradition's distinction between qamatz gadol and qatan is likely pre-Tiberian.^[85] However, the only orthographic system used to mark vowels is the Tiberian vocalization.

Phonology

The phonology as reconstructed for Biblical Hebrew is as follows:

Consonants

Biblical Hebrew consonants^[57]^[58]
		Labial	Coronal			Post- alveolar	Velar	Uvular	Pharyngeal	Glottal
		Labial	Dental	Alveolar	Lateral	Post- alveolar	Velar	Uvular	Pharyngeal	Glottal
Nasals		Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink
Stops	voiceless	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink				Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink		Шаблон:IPA link
	voiced	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink				Шаблон:IPAlink
	emphatic		Шаблон:IPAlink^[57]^[58]
Fricatives	voiceless	ɸ Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPA link
	voiced	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup	Шаблон:IPAlink			Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup^[57]^[58]	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Sup^[57]	Шаблон:IPAlink
	emphatic		Шаблон:IPAlink^[57]
Approximants		Шаблон:IPAlink/Шаблон:IPAlink			Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink
Trill			Шаблон:IPAlink

Consonants lost during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew.
Consonants gained during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew

The phonetic nature of some Biblical Hebrew consonants is disputed. The so-called "emphatics" were likely pharyngealized, but possibly velarized.^[86]^[87] The pharyngealization of emphatic consonants is viewed as a Central Semitic innovation.^[88]

Some argue that Шаблон:IPA were affricated (Шаблон:IPA),^[86] but Egyptian starts using s in place of earlier ṯ to represent Canaanite s around 1000 BC. It is likely that Canaanite was already dialectally split by that time, and the northern Early Phoenician dialect that the Greeks were in contact with could have preserved the affricate pronunciation until Шаблон:Circa at least, unlike the more southern Canaanite dialects (like Hebrew) that the Egyptians were in contact with, so that there is no contradiction within this argument.

Originally, the Hebrew letters Шаблон:Angbr and Шаблон:Angbr each represented two possible phonemes, uvular and pharyngeal, with the distinction unmarked in Hebrew orthography. However the uvular phonemes Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang merged with their pharyngeal counterparts Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang respectively c. 200 BCE.

This is observed by noting the preservation of the double phonemes of each letter in one Sephardic reading tradition, and by noting that these phonemes are distinguished consistently in the Septuagint of the Pentateuch (e.g. Isaac Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:Lang = Шаблон:Lang versus Rachel Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:Lang = Шаблон:Lang), but this becomes more sporadic in later books and is generally absent in translations of Ezra and Nehemiah.^[89]^[90]

The phoneme Шаблон:IPA, is also not directly indicated by Hebrew orthography but is clearly attested by later developments: It is written with Шаблон:Angbr (also used for Шаблон:IPA) but later merged with Шаблон:IPA (normally indicated with Шаблон:Angbr). As a result, three etymologically distinct phonemes can be distinguished through a combination of spelling and pronunciation: Шаблон:IPA written Шаблон:Angbr, Шаблон:IPA written Шаблон:Angbr, and Шаблон:IPA (pronounced Шаблон:IPA but written Шаблон:Angbr). The specific pronunciation of Шаблон:IPA as Шаблон:IPA is based on comparative evidence (Шаблон:IPA is the corresponding Proto-Semitic phoneme and still attested in Modern South Arabian languages^[70] as well as early borrowings (e.g. balsam < Greek balsamon < Hebrew baśam). Шаблон:IPA began merging with Шаблон:IPA in Late Biblical Hebrew, as indicated by interchange of orthographic Шаблон:Angbr and Шаблон:Angbr, possibly under the influence of Aramaic, and this became the rule in Mishnaic Hebrew.^[57]^[87] In all Jewish reading traditions Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA have merged completely; however in Samaritan Hebrew Шаблон:IPA has instead merged with Шаблон:IPA.^[57]

Allophonic spirantization of Шаблон:IPA to Шаблон:IPA (known as begadkefat spirantization) developed sometime during the lifetime of Biblical Hebrew under the influence of Aramaic.^{[nb 14]} This probably happened after the original Old Aramaic phonemes Шаблон:IPA disappeared in the 7th century BCE,^[91] and most likely occurred after the loss of Hebrew Шаблон:IPA c. 200 BCE.^{[nb 15]} It is known to have occurred in Hebrew by the 2nd century CE.^[92] After a certain point this alternation became contrastive in word-medial and final position (though bearing low functional load), but in word-initial position they remained allophonic.^[93] This is evidenced both by the Tiberian vocalization's consistent use of word-initial spirants after a vowel in sandhi, as well as Rabbi Saadia Gaon's attestation to the use of this alternation in Tiberian Aramaic at the beginning of the 10th century CE.^[93]

The Dead Sea scrolls show evidence of confusion of the phonemes Шаблон:IPA, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ħmr for Masoretic Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'he said'.^[94] However the testimony of Jerome indicates that this was a regionalism and not universal.^[53] Confusion of gutturals was also attested in later Mishnaic Hebrew and Aramaic (see Eruvin 53b). In Samaritan Hebrew, Шаблон:IPA have generally all merged, either into Шаблон:IPA, a glide Шаблон:IPA or Шаблон:IPA, or by vanishing completely (often creating a long vowel), except that original Шаблон:IPA sometimes have reflex Шаблон:IPA before Шаблон:IPA.^[54]

Geminate consonants are phonemically contrastive in Biblical Hebrew. In the Secunda Шаблон:IPA are never geminate.^[95] In the Tiberian tradition Шаблон:IPA cannot be geminate; historically first Шаблон:IPA degeminated, followed by Шаблон:IPA, Шаблон:IPA, and finally Шаблон:IPA, as evidenced by changes in the quality of the preceding vowel.^[96]^{[nb 16]}

Hebrew consonant correspondences
Proto-Semitic	Language
	Hebrew		Aramaic	Arabic
	Jewish	Samaritanּ	Aramaic	Arabic
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) פף Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) פּ	Шаблон:IPA ࠐ	Шаблон:IPA (normally) פף Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) פּ	Шаблон:IPA ف
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ב Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) בּ	Шаблон:IPA ࠁ	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ב Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) בּ	Шаблон:IPA ب
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ת Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) תּ	Шаблон:IPA ࠕ	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ת Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) תּ	Шаблон:IPA ت
Шаблон:IPA ṯ	Шаблон:IPA שׁ, ࠔ		Шаблон:IPA שׁ	Шаблон:IPA ث
Шаблон:IPA š	Шаблон:IPA שׁ, ࠔ		Шаблон:IPA שׁ	Шаблон:IPA س
Шаблон:IPA ś	Шаблон:IPA שׂ	Шаблон:IPA ࠔ	Шаблон:IPA שׂ	Шаблон:IPA ش
Шаблон:IPA ṯ̣	Шаблон:IPA צץ, ࠑ		Шаблон:IPA ט	Шаблон:IPA ظ
Шаблон:IPA ṣ			Шаблон:IPA צץ	Шаблон:IPA ص
Шаблон:IPA ṣ́			Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:IPA ض
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ד Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) דּ	Шаблон:IPA ࠃ	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ד Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) דּ	Шаблон:IPA د
Шаблон:IPA ḏ	Шаблон:IPA ז, ࠆ		Шаблон:IPA ז	Шаблон:IPA ذ
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) כך Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) כּ	Шаблон:IPA ࠊ	Шаблон:IPA (normally) כך Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) כּ	Шаблон:IPA ك
Шаблон:IPA ḫ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	silent (normally) ࠇ Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially) ࠇ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang
Шаблон:IPA ḥ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	silent (normally) ࠇ Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially) ࠇ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ג Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) גּ	Шаблон:IPA ࠂ	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ג Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially, after closed syllables, geminated) גּ	Шаблон:IPA ج
Шаблон:IPA ġ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	silent (normally) ࠏ Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially) ࠏ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang
Шаблон:IPA ʻ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	silent (normally) ࠏ Шаблон:IPA (syllable-initially) ࠏ	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang	Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang
Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ו Шаблон:IPA (word-initially, except in ו- "and") י	Шаблон:IPA (normally) ࠅ Шаблон:IPA <(word-initially, except in ࠅ- "and") ࠉ	Шаблон:IPA ו	Шаблон:IPA و

Vowels

The vowel system of Hebrew has changed considerably over time. The following vowels are those reconstructed for the earliest stage of Hebrew, those attested by the Secunda, those of the various vocalization traditions (Tiberian and varieties of Babylonian and Palestinian), and those of the Samaritan tradition, with vowels absent in some traditions color-coded.

Proto-Hebrew^[97]

Biblical Hebrew^[97]

Secunda Hebrew^[98]

Tiberian, Babylonian, and Palestinian Hebrew^[99]^[100]^[101]

Samaritan Hebrew^[102]

	Front	Back
Close	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink
Close-mid	(Шаблон:IPAlink)	Шаблон:IPAlink
Open	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink

	Front	Back
Close	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Superscript Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Superscript Шаблон:IPAlink
Close-mid	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Superscript	Шаблон:IPAlink
Open	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Superscript Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:Superscript

	Front	Back
Close	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink
Close-mid	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink
Open	Шаблон:IPAlink¹ Шаблон:IPAlink
Reduced	Шаблон:IPAlink

	Front	Back
Close	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink
Close-mid	Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink
Open-mid	Шаблон:IPAlink¹	Шаблон:IPAlink²
Open	Шаблон:IPAlink
Reduced	Шаблон:IPA³ Шаблон:IPAlink³ (Шаблон:IPAlink)³ Шаблон:IPAlink³

	Front	Back
Close	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink
Mid	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink	(Шаблон:IPAlink)¹
Open	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink	Шаблон:IPAlink Шаблон:IPAlink
Reduced	(Шаблон:IPAlink)²

Шаблон:Small

Шаблон:Small

Шаблон:Small^[103]^[104]^{[nb 17]}^{[nb 18]}
Шаблон:Small^[104]^{[nb 17]}^[105]
Шаблон:Small

Sound changes

The following sections present the vowel changes that Biblical Hebrew underwent, in approximate chronological order.

Proto-Central-Semitic

Proto-Semitic is the ancestral language of all the Semitic languages, and in traditional reconstructions possessed 29 consonants; 6 monophthong vowels, consisting of three qualities and two lengths, Шаблон:IPA, in which the long vowels occurred only in open syllables; and two diphthongs Шаблон:IPA.^[106]^[107] The stress system of Proto-Semitic is unknown but it is commonly described as being much like the system of Classical Latin or the modern pronunciation of Classical Arabic: If the penultimate (second last) syllable is light (has a short vowel followed by a single consonant), stress goes on the antepenult (third to last); otherwise, it goes on the penult.

Various changes, mostly in morphology, took place between Proto-Semitic and Proto-Central-Semitic, the language at the root of the Central Semitic languages. The phonemic system was inherited essentially unchanged, but the emphatic consonants may have changed their realization in Central Semitic from ejectives to pharyngealized consonants.

The morphology of Proto-Central-Semitic shows significant changes compared with Proto-Semitic, especially in its verbs, and is much like in Classical Arabic. Nouns in the singular were usually declined in three cases: /-u/ (nominative), /-a/ (accusative) or /-i/ (genitive). In some circumstances (but never in the construct state), nouns also took a final nasal after the case ending: nunation (final /-n/) occurred in some languages, mimation (final /-m/) in others. The original meaning of this marker is uncertain. In Classical Arabic, final /-n/ on nouns indicates indefiniteness and disappears when the noun is preceded by a definite article or otherwise becomes definite in meaning. In other languages, final /-n/ may be present whenever a noun is not in the construct state. Old Canaanite had mimation, of uncertain meaning, in an occurrence of the word urušalemim (Jerusalem) as given in an Egyptian transcription.^[108]

Broken plural forms in Arabic are declined like singulars, and often take singular agreement as well. Dual and "strong plural" forms use endings with a long vowel or diphthong, declined in only two cases: nominative and objective (combination accusative/genitive), with the objective form often becoming the default one after the loss of case endings. Both Hebrew and Arabic had a special form of nunation/mimation that co-occurred with the dual and masculine sound plural endings whenever the noun was not in the construct state. The endings were evidently felt as an inherent part of the ending and, as a result, are still used. Examples are Arabic strong masculine plural -ūna (nominative), -īna (objective), and dual endings -āni (nominative), -ayni (objective); corresponding construct-state endings are -ū, -ī (strong masculine plural), -ā, -ay (dual). (The strong feminine endings in Classical Arabic are -ātu nominative, -āti objective, marked with a singular-style -n nunation in the indefinite state only.)

If Hebrew had at some point had the broken plural, any vestigial forms that may remain have been extended with the strong plural endings. The dual and strong plural endings were likely much like the Arabic forms given above at one point, with only the objective-case forms ultimately surviving. For example, dual -ayim is probably from *-aymi with an extended mimation ending (cf. Arabic -ayni above), while dual construct -ē is from *-ay without mimation. Similarly, -īm < *-īma, -ōt < *-āti. (Expected plural construct state *-ī was replaced by dual -ē.)

Feminine nouns at this point ended in a suffix /-at-/ or /-t-/ in case endings. When the ending was final because of loss or non-presence of the case ending, it is replaced with/-ah/ and then Шаблон:IPA in both Hebrew and Arabic. The final /t/ consonant therefore is silent in the absolute state, but becomes /t/ again in the construct state and when these words take suffixes, e.g. תֹורָה /toːraː/ "law" becomes תֹורַת /toːrat/ "law of", and תֹורָתְךָ /toːraːtəxaː/ "your law", etc. (This is equivalent to the Arabic letter Tāʼ Marbūṭah ة, a modified final form of the letter He ه which indicates this same phoneme shifting, and only its pronunciation varies between construct and absolute state.)

Potential Canaanite shift

Hebrew shows certain aspects of the Canaanite shift whereby Шаблон:IPA often shifted to Шаблон:IPA; the conditions of this shift are disputed.^[34]^{[nb 19]} This shift had occurred by the 14th century BCE, as demonstrated by its presence in the Amarna letters (Шаблон:Circa).^[109]^[110]

Proto-Hebrew

As a result of the Canaanite shift, the Proto-Hebrew vowel system is reconstructed as Шаблон:IPA (and possibly rare Шаблон:IPA).^[97] Furthermore, stress at this point appears to have shifted so that it was consistently on the penultimate (next to last) syllable, and was still non-phonemic. The predominant final stress of Biblical Hebrew was a result of loss of final unstressed vowels and a shift away from remaining open syllables (see below).

Loss of final unstressed vowels

Final unstressed short vowels dropped out in most words, making it possible for long vowels to occur in closed syllables. This appears to have proceeded in two steps:

Final short mood, etc. markers dropped in verbal forms.
Final short case markers dropped in nominal forms.

Vowel lengthening in stressed, open syllables occurred between the two steps, with the result that short vowels at the beginning of a -VCV ending lengthened in nouns but not verbs. This is most noticeable with short Шаблон:IPA: e.g. *kataba ('he wrote') > Шаблон:IPA but *dabara ('word' acc.') > Шаблон:IPA.

The dropping of final short vowels in verb forms tended to erase mood distinctions, but also some gender distinctions; however, unexpected vowel lengthening occurred in many situations to preserve the distinctions. For example, in the suffix conjugation, first-singular *-tu appears to have been remade into *-tī already by Proto-Hebrew on the basis of possessive -ī (likewise first singular personal pronoun *ʔana became *ʔanī).

Similarly, in the second-singular, inherited *-ta -ti competed with lengthened *-tā -tī for masculine and feminine forms. The expected result would be -t or -tā for masculine, -t or -tī for feminine, and in fact both variants of both forms are found in the Bible (with -h marking the long -ā and -y marking the long -ī). The situation appears to have been quite fluid for several centuries, with -t and -tā/tī forms found in competition both in writing and in speech (cf. the Secunda (Hexapla) of Origen, which records both pronunciations, although quite often in disagreement with the written form as passed down to us). Ultimately, writing stabilized on the shorter -t for both genders, while speech chose feminine -t but masculine -tā. This is the reason for the unexpected qamatz vowel written under the final letter of such words.

The exact same process affected possessive *-ka ('your' masc. sing.) and *-ki ('your' fem. sing.), and personal pronouns *ʔanta, *ʔanti, with the same split into shorter and longer forms and the same ultimate resolution.

Short vowel lengthening (esp. pretonic), lowering

The short vowels Шаблон:IPA tended to lengthen in various positions.

First, short vowels lengthened in an open syllable in pretonic position (i.e. directly before the stressed syllable).
Later, short vowels lengthened in stressed open syllables.^[111]^{[nb 20]}

In the process of lengthening, the high vowels were lowered. In the Secunda, the lengthened reflexes of Шаблон:IPA are Шаблон:IPA; when kept short they generally have reflexes Шаблон:IPA.^[112]^{[nb 21]}^{[nb 22]}

Reduction of short open stressed syllables

Stressed open syllables with a short vowel (i.e. syllables consisting of a short vowel followed by a consonant and another vowel) had the vowel reduced to Шаблон:IPA and the stressed moved one syllable later in the word (usually to the last syllable of the word).^[113] Presumably, stress was originally penultimate and loss of final short vowels made many words have final stress. However, in this case, words whose final syllable had a long vowel or ended with a consonant were unaffected and still had penultimate stress at this point except in pausal position, where the penultimate stress is preserved, and vowel lengthening rather than reduction occurs.

The previous three changes occurred in a complex, interlocking fashion:

Shift of stress to be universally penultimate.
Loss of final short vowels in verbs, pre-stress lengthening in open syllables. Pre-stress lengthening/lowering becomes a surface filter that remains as a rule in the language, automatically affected any new short vowels in open syllables as they appear (but ultra-short vowels are unaffected).
Stress movement from light syllable to following heavy syllable when not in pausa, with newly unstressed light syllable reducing the schwa.
Tonic lengthening/lowering in open syllables.
Loss of final short vowels in nouns.

Examples:

Possible derivation of some nominal/verbal forms
	'killing/killer (masc. sg.)'	'he killed'	'she killed'	'they killed'	'they killed' (pausa)	'you (masc. sg.) kill'	'you (fem. sg.) kill'
Proto-Central-Semitic	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA
Pre-Hebrew	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA
Canaanite shift	Шаблон:IPA	—	—	—	—	—	—
Penultimate stress	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA
Final short vowel loss (verb)	—	Шаблон:IPA	—	—	—	Шаблон:IPA	—
Pre-tonic lengthening	—	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	—	—
Stress shift / de-stressed reduction	—	—	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	—	—	Шаблон:IPA
Tonic lengthening/lowering	Шаблон:IPA	—	—	—	Шаблон:IPA	—	—
Final short vowel loss (noun)	Шаблон:IPA	—	—	—	—	—	—
Feminine Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA	—	—	Шаблон:IPA	—	—	—	—
Short vowel lowering	—	—	—	—	—	Шаблон:IPA	—
Law of attenuation	—	—	—	—	—	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA
Tiberian Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	—	—
Loss of phonemic vowel length; attested Tiberian form	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA

Many, perhaps most, Hebrew words with a schwa directly before a final stress are due to this stress shift.

This sound change shifted many more originally penultimate-stressed words to have final stress. The above changes can be seen to divide words into a number of main classes based on stress and syllable properties:

Proto-Hebrew words with an open penult and short-vowel ending: Become final-stressed (e.g. Шаблон:IPA ('he killed') < PHeb. Шаблон:IPA).
Proto-Hebrew words with a closed penult and short-vowel ending: Become penultimate due to segholate rule (e.g. Шаблон:IPA ('king') < Шаблон:IPA).
Proto-Hebrew words with an open short penult and longer ending: Become final-stressed due to stress shift (e.g. Шаблон:IPA ('they killed') < PHeb. Шаблон:IPA).
Proto-Hebrew words with a closed penult and longer ending: Remain penultimate (e.g. Шаблон:IPA ('I killed') < PHeb. Шаблон:IPA).
Proto-Hebrew words with an open long penult and longer ending: ???

Pre-stress reduction of short vowel

Шаблон:IPA were reduced to Шаблон:IPA in the second syllable before the stress,^[98] and occasionally reduced rather than lengthened in pretonic position, especially when initial (e.g. σεμω = Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'his name').^[114]^{[nb 23]} Thus the vowel system of the Secunda was Шаблон:IPA.^[98]

Later developments

The later Jewish traditions (Tiberian, Babylonian, Palestinian) show similar vowel developments. By the Tiberian time, all short vowels in stressed syllables and open pretonic lengthened, making vowel length allophonic.^[115]^{[nb 24]}^[116] Vowels in open or stressed syllables had allophonic length (e.g. Шаблон:IPA in Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:IPA ('he will have mercy') < previously short Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA by Tiberian degemination of Шаблон:IPA < PSem Шаблон:IPA).^[116]^{[nb 25]} The Babylonian and Palestinian vocalizations systems also do not mark vowel length.^[85]^[104]^[117] In the Tiberian and Babylonian systems, Шаблон:IPA and lengthened Шаблон:IPA become the back vowel Шаблон:IPA.^[104]^[118] In unaccented closed syllables, Шаблон:IPA become Шаблон:IPA (Tiberian), Шаблон:IPA (Babylonian), or Шаблон:IPA (Palestinian) – generally becoming the second vowel before geminates (e.g. Шаблон:Lang) and the first otherwise.^[104]^[105]^[118]^[119]^{[nb 26]} In the Tiberian tradition pretonic vowels are reduced more commonly than in the Secunda. It does not occur for Шаблон:IPA, but is occasional for Шаблон:IPA (e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'nails' < Шаблон:IPA), and is common for Шаблон:IPA (e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'open place' < Шаблон:IPA).^[114]^[120] In Tiberian Hebrew pretonic Шаблон:IPA is most commonly preserved by geminating the following consonant, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('red' pl.) (cf. Шаблон:IPA 'red' sg.); this pretonic gemination is also found in some forms with other vowels like Шаблон:Lang⁓Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('prisoner').^[121]

The Babylonian and Palestinian systems have only one reduced vowel phoneme Шаблон:IPA like the Secunda, though in Palestinian Hebrew it developed the pronunciation Шаблон:IPA.^[98]^[104]^[122] However the Tiberian tradition possesses three reduced vowels Шаблон:IPA of which Шаблон:IPA has questionable phonemicity.^[123]^[124]^{[nb 27]} Шаблон:IPA under a non-guttural letter was pronounced as an ultrashort copy of the following vowel before a guttural, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA, and as Шаблон:IPA preceding Шаблон:IPA, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA, but was always pronounced as Шаблон:IPA under gutturals, e.g. Шаблон:Lang.^[125]^[126] When reduced, etymological Шаблон:IPA become Шаблон:IPA under gutturals (e.g. Шаблон:Lang 'you [mp.] said' cf. Шаблон:Lang 'he said'), and generally Шаблон:IPA under non-gutturals, but Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA (and rarely Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA) may still occur, especially after stops (or their spirantized counterparts) and Шаблон:IPA (e.g. Шаблон:Lang /dɔ̆ˈmi/).^[127]^[128] Samaritan and Qumran Hebrew have full vowels in place of the reduced vowels of Tiberian Hebrew.^[129]

Samaritan Hebrew also does not reflect etymological vowel length; however the elision of guttural consonants has created new phonemic vowel length, e.g. Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang ('great') vs. Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang ('wide').^[130] Samaritan Hebrew vowels are allophonically lengthened (to a lesser degree) in open syllables, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA, Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA, though this is less strong in post-tonic vowels.^[130] Pretonic gemination is also found in Samaritan Hebrew, but not always in the same locations as in Tiberian Hebrew, e.g. Шаблон:Lang TH Шаблон:IPA SH Шаблон:IPA; Шаблон:Lang TH Шаблон:IPA SH Шаблон:IPA.^[131] While Proto-Hebrew long vowels usually retain their vowel quality in the later traditions of Hebrew,^[118]^[132] in Samaritan Hebrew Шаблон:IPA may have reflex Шаблон:IPA in closed stressed syllables, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA/, Шаблон:IPA may become either Шаблон:IPA or Шаблон:IPA,^[133] and Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA.^[133] The reduced vowels of the other traditions appear as full vowels, though there may be evidence that Samaritan Hebrew once had similar vowel reduction. Samaritan Шаблон:IPA results from the neutralization of the distinction between Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA in closed post-tonic syllables, e.g. Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang ('house') Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang ('the house') Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA Шаблон:Lang.^[134]

Various more specific conditioned shifts of vowel quality have also occurred. Diphthongs were frequently monophthongized, but the scope and results of this shift varied among dialects. In particular, the Samaria ostraca show Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA^{[nb 28]} for Southern Шаблон:IPA ('wine'), and Samaritan Hebrew shows instead the shift Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA.^[28]^[135] Original Шаблон:IPA tended to shift to Шаблон:IPA (e.g. Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang 'word'; Шаблон:Lang 'outside' and Шаблон:Lang 'outer') beginning in the second half of the second millennium BCE.^[136] This was carried through completely in Samaritan Hebrew but met more resistance in other traditions such as the Babylonian and Qumran traditions.^[136] Philippi's law is the process by which original Шаблон:IPA in closed stressed syllables shifts to Шаблон:IPA (e.g. Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'daughter'), or sometimes in the Tiberian tradition Шаблон:IPA (e.g. Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'truth').^[137]^{[nb 29]} This is absent in the transcriptions of the Secunda,^[138] but there is evidence that the law's onset predates the Secunda. In the Samaritan tradition Philippi's law is applied consistently, e.g. Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA ('heart').^[139]^{[nb 30]} In some traditions the short vowel Шаблон:IPA tended to shift to Шаблон:IPA in unstressed closed syllables: this is known as the law of attenuation. It is common in the Tiberian tradition, e.g. Шаблон:IPA > Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('seven'), but exceptions are frequent.^[140] It is less common in the Babylonian vocalization, e.g. Шаблон:IPA ('seven'), and differences in Greek and Latin transcriptions demonstrate that it began quite late.^[140] Attenuation generally did not occur before Шаблон:IPA, e.g. Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('key') versus Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('opening [construct]'), and often was blocked before a geminate, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('gift').^[140] Attenuation is rarely present in Samaritan Hebrew, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA.^[141]^{[nb 31]} In the Tiberian tradition Шаблон:IPA take offglide Шаблон:IPA before Шаблон:IPA.^[142]^{[nb 32]} This is absent in the Secunda and in Samaritan Hebrew but present in the transcriptions of Jerome.^[135]^[143] In the Tiberian tradition an ultrashort echo vowel is sometimes added to clusters where the first element is a guttural, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('he will listen') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('his work') but Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('he will make glorious') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'its breadth'.^[127]^{[nb 33]}^{[nb 34]}

The following chart summarizes the most regular reflexes of the Proto-Semitic vowels in the various stages of Hebrew:

Hebrew vowel reflexes
Hebrew vowel reflexes			Hebrew language stage
			Secunda	Jewish			Samaritan¹
			Secunda	Palestinian	Babylonian	Tiberian	Samaritan¹
Proto-Hebrew vowel	Шаблон:IPA	usual⁷	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA²			Шаблон:IPA
		lengthened⁵	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA
		reduced⁶	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA
	Шаблон:IPA	usual⁷	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA⁸Шаблон:IPA³		Шаблон:IPA⁸Шаблон:IPA³	Шаблон:IPA³
		lengthened⁵	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA			Шаблон:IPA
		reduced⁶	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA³
	Шаблон:IPA	usual⁷	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA⁸	Шаблон:IPA⁸		Шаблон:IPA
		lengthened⁵	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA
		reduced⁶	Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA
	Шаблон:IPA→Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA			Шаблон:IPA
	Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA			Шаблон:IPA
	Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA			Шаблон:IPA⁴
	Шаблон:IPA→Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA			Шаблон:IPA
	Шаблон:IPA→Шаблон:IPA		Шаблон:IPA	Шаблон:IPA			Шаблон:IPA

All Proto-Hebrew short vowels were deleted word-finally.

Notes:

Samaritan Hebrew vowels may be lengthened in the presence of etymological guttural consonants. Шаблон:IPA results from both Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA in closed post-tonic syllables.
with the law of attenuation.
with Philippi's law.
Samaritan Шаблон:IPA are nearly in complementary distribution (Шаблон:IPA in open syllables, Шаблон:IPA in closed syllables). /o/ contrasts only stressed final syllables.
lengthening occurs in some open one syllable away from the stress and some stressed syllables; exact conditions depend on the vowel and reading tradition
reduction occurs in the open syllables two syllables away from the stress and sometimes also in pretonic and stressed open syllables; exact conditions depend on the vowel and reading tradition.
mainly in most closed syllables.
more common before long consonants.

Stress

Proto-Hebrew generally had penultimate stress.^[144]^{[nb 35]} The ultimate stress of later traditions of Hebrew usually resulted from the loss of final vowels in many words, preserving the location of proto-Semitic stress.^{[nb 36]} Tiberian Hebrew has phonemic stress, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('they built') vs. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('in us'); stress is most commonly ultimate, less commonly penultimate, and antipenultimate stress exists marginally, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('into the tent').^[145]^{[nb 37]} There does not seem to be evidence for stress in the Secunda varying from that of the Tiberian tradition.^[146] Despite sharing the loss of final vowels with Tiberian Hebrew, Samaritan Hebrew has generally not preserved Proto-Semitic stress, and has predominantly penultimate stress, with occasional ultimate stress.^[147] There is evidence that Qumran Hebrew had a similar stress pattern to Samaritan Hebrew.^[129]

Grammar

Medieval grammarians of Arabic and Hebrew classified words as belonging to three parts of speech: Arabic ism ('noun'), fiʻl ('verb'), and ḥarf ('particle'); other grammarians have included more categories.^[148] In particular, adjectives and nouns show more affinity to each other than in most European languages.^[148] Biblical Hebrew has a typical Semitic morphology, characterized by the use of roots. Most words in Biblical Hebrew are formed from a root, a sequence of consonants with a general associated meaning.^[149] Roots are usually triconsonantal, with biconsonantal roots less common (depending on how some words are analyzed) and rare cases of quadri- and quinquiconsonantal roots.^[149] Roots are modified by affixation to form words.^[149] Verbal patterns are more productive and consistent, while noun patterns are less predictable.^[150]

Nouns and adjectives

The most common nominal prefix used is Шаблон:IPA, used for substantives of location (Шаблон:Lang 'assembly'), instruments (Шаблон:Lang 'key'), and abstractions (Шаблон:Lang 'judgement').^[151] The vowel after Шаблон:IPA is normally Шаблон:IPA, but appears sometimes as Шаблон:IPA, or in the case of Шаблон:Lang as Шаблон:IPA (contracted from Шаблон:IPA).^[151] The prefix Шаблон:IPA is used to denote the action of the verb; it is derived from more common for initial-Шаблон:IPA verbs, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('thanksgiving'; < ydy).^[151] Prefixed Шаблон:IPA is used in adjectives, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('deceptive'), and also occurs in nouns with initial sibilants, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('finger').^[151] In the latter case this prefix was added for phonetic reasons, and the Шаблон:Lang prefix is called either "prothetic" or "prosthetic".^[151] Prefixed Шаблон:Lang often occurs in quadriliteral animal names, perhaps as a prefix, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('bat'), Шаблон:Lang ('mouse'), Шаблон:Lang ('scorpion').^[151]

In proto-Semitic nouns were marked for case: in the singular the markers were Шаблон:IPA in the nominative, Шаблон:IPA in the accusative (used also for adverbials), and Шаблон:IPA in the genitive, as evidenced in Akkadian, Ugaritic, and Arabic.^[152] The Amarna letters show that this was probably still present in Hebrew Шаблон:Circa^[153] In the development of Hebrew, final Шаблон:IPA were dropped first, and later Шаблон:IPA was elided as well.^[154] Mimation, a nominal suffix Шаблон:IPA of unclear meaning, was found in early Canaanite, as shown by early Egyptian transcriptions (Шаблон:Circa) of Jerusalem as Urušalimim, but there is no indication of its presence after 1800 BCE.^[154]^{[nb 38]} Final Шаблон:IPA is preserved in Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA, originally meaning 'at night' but in prose replacing Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('night'), and in the "connective vowels" of some prepositions (originally adverbials), e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('with us'); nouns preserve Шаблон:IPA in forms like Шаблон:Lang.^[155]^{[nb 39]} Construct state nouns lost case vowels at an early period (similar to Akkadian), as shown by the reflexes of Шаблон:IPA (Шаблон:Lang in absolute but Шаблон:Lang in construct) and the reflexes of Шаблон:IPA (Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang)^[156] However forms like Шаблон:Lang show that this was not yet a feature of Proto-Hebrew.^[157]

Biblical Hebrew has two genders, masculine and feminine, which are reflected in nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs.^[158] Hebrew distinguishes between singular and plural numbers, and plural forms may also be used for collectives and honorifics.^[159] Hebrew has a morphological dual form for nouns that naturally occur in pairs and for units of measurement and time which contrasts with the plural (Шаблон:Lang 'day' Шаблон:Lang 'two days' Шаблон:Lang 'days').^[160] A widespread misconception is that the Hebrew plural denotes three or more objects. In truth, it denotes two or more objects.^[161] However adjectives, pronouns, and verbs do not have dual forms, and most nominal dual forms can function as plurals (Шаблон:Lang 'six wings' from Isaiah 6:2).^[160]^[162] Finite verbs are marked for subject person, number, and gender.^[163] Nouns also have a construct form which is used in genitive constructions.^[164]

Nouns are marked as definite with the prefix /ha-/ followed by gemination of the initial consonant of the noun.^[165] In Tiberian Hebrew the vowel of the article may become Шаблон:IPA or Шаблон:IPA in certain phonetic environments, for example Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('the wise man'), Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('the man').^[166]

The traditions differ on the form of segolate nouns, nouns stemming from roots with two final consonants. The anaptyctic Шаблон:IPA of the Tiberian tradition in segolates appears in the Septuagint (3rd century BCE) but not the Hexapla (2nd century CE), e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA = Γαθερ versus Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA = Χεσλ (Psalms 49:14).^[167] This may reflect dialectal variation or phonetic versus phonemic transcriptions.^[167] Both the Palestinian and Babylonian traditions have an anaptyctic vowel in segolates, Шаблон:IPA in the Palestinian tradition (e.g. Шаблон:IPA 'land' = Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Deuteronomy 26:15) and Шаблон:IPA in Babylonian (e.g. Шаблон:IPA 'item' = Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Jeremiah 22:28).^[168] The Qumran tradition sometimes shows some type of back epenthetic vowel when the first vowel is back, e.g. Шаблон:Angle bracket for Tiberian Шаблон:Angle bracket Шаблон:IPA ('tent').

Biblical Hebrew has two sets of personal pronouns: the free-standing independent pronouns have a nominative function, while the pronominal suffixes are genitive or accusative.^[169] Only the first person suffix has different possessive and objective forms (Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang).^[170]

Verbs

Verbal consonantal roots are placed into derived verbal stems, known as Шаблон:Lang binyanim in Hebrew; the binyanim mainly serve to indicate grammatical voice.^[170] This includes various distinctions of reflexivity, passivity, and causativity.^[170] Verbs of all binyanim have three non-finite forms (one participle, two infinitives), three modal forms (cohortative, imperative, jussive), and two major conjugations (prefixing, suffixing).^[171]^{[nb 40]} The meaning of the prefixing and suffixing conjugations are also affected by the conjugation Шаблон:Lang, and their meaning with respect to tense and aspect is a matter of debate.^[171]

Word order

The default word order in Biblical Hebrew is commonly thought to be VSO,^[172] though one scholar has argued that this is due to the prevalence of clauses with a wayyiqtol verb form compared to other less marked forms that use SVO either more often or at least to a comparable degree.^[173] Attributive adjectives normally follow the noun they modify.^[174] In Biblical Hebrew, possession is normally expressed with status constructus, a construction in which the possessed noun occurs in a phonologically reduced, "construct" form and is followed by the possessor noun in its normal, "absolute" form.^[175]^[176] Pronominal direct objects are either suffixed to the verb or alternatively expressed on the object-marking pronoun Шаблон:Lang.^[177]

Tense and aspect

Biblical Hebrew has two main conjugation types, the suffix conjugation, also called the Perfect, and the prefix conjugation, also called Imperfect. The Perfect verb form expressed the idea of the verb as a completed action, viewing it from start to finish as a whole, and not focusing on the process by which the verb came to be completed, stating it as a simple fact. This is often used in the past tense; however, there are some contexts in which a Perfect verb translates into the present and future tenses.^[178]

The Imperfect portrays the verb as an incomplete action along with the process by which it came about, either as an event that has not begun, an event that has begun but is still in the process, or a habitual or cyclic action that is on an ongoing repetition. The Imperfect can also express modal or conditional verbs, as well as commands in the Jussive and Cohortative moods. It is conjectured that the imperfect can express modal quality through the paragogic nun added to certain imperfect forms.^[179] While often future tense, it also has uses in the past and present under certain contexts. Biblical Hebrew tense is not necessarily reflected in the verb forms per se, but rather is determined primarily by context. The Participles also reflect ongoing or continuous actions, but are also subject to the context determining their tense.

The verbal forms can be Past Tense in these circumstances:^[180]

Perfect, Simple Past: in narrative, reflects a simple completed action, perception, emotion or mental process, and can also be past tense from the perspective of a prior verb which is used in future tense
Imperfect, Waw Consecutive Preterite: simple past tense which takes the וַ prefix as a conjunction, appears at the beginning of a clause when it is connected in a narrative sequence with previous clauses, where the conjunction can be translated as 'and then', 'then', 'but', 'however', sometimes is not translated at all, and can even have a parenthetical function as if suggesting the clause is like a side note to the main focus of the narrative
Imperfect, Past: reflecting not just a past action but also suggesting the process with which it was being done, e.g.: "I brought the horse to a halt", "I began to hear"
Imperfect, Cyclic Past: reflecting a habitual or cyclic action over time, e.g. "this is what Job would always do"
Participle in Past Tense: an active or passive Participle being used in its imperfect verbal sense in the past, e.g. "and the Spirit of God was hovering"

The verbal forms can be Present Tense in these circumstances:^[180]

Perfect, Proverbial/General Present: a general truth in the present tense which is not referring to a specific event, e.g. "the sun sets in the west"
Perfect, Stative Present: present tense with verbs that depict a state of being rather than an action, including verbs of perception, emotion or mental process, e.g. "I love", "I hate", "I understand", "I know"
Perfect, Present Perfect: a Present Perfect verb, e.g. "I have walked"
Imperfect, Present Condition: an Imperfect verb in the present, one which implies that an action has been going on for some time and is still ongoing in the present, especially used of questions in the present, e.g. "what are you seeking?"
Imperfect, Cyclic Present: an Imperfect verb in the present, reflecting a cyclic action in the present, e.g. "it is being said in the city", "a son makes his father glad"
Participle in Present Tense: an active or passive Participle being used in its imperfect verbal sense in the present, e.g. "I am going"

The verbal forms can be Future Tense in these circumstances:^[180]

Perfect, Waw Consecutive Future: by analogy to the Preterite, a simple future tense verb which takes the וְ prefix as a conjunction, appears at the beginning of a clause when it is connected in a narrative sequence with previous clauses, where the conjunction can be translated as 'and then', 'then', 'but', 'however', sometimes is not translated at all, and can even have a parenthetical function as if suggesting the clause is like a side note to the main focus of the narrative
Perfect, Waw Consecutive Subjunctive: takes the וְ prefix as a conjunction to continue the Subjunctive Mood in a narrative sequence
Perfect, Waw Consecutive Jussive/Cohortative: takes the וְ prefix as a conjunction to continue the Jussive and Cohortative Moods in a narrative sequence
Perfect, Promise Future: the completeness of the verb form here expresses an imminent action in the context of promises, threats and the language of contracts and covenants in general, e.g. "I will give you this land", "will I have this pleasure?"
Perfect, Prophetic Future: the completeness of the verb form here expresses an imminent action in the context of prophecy, e.g. "you will go into exile"
Imperfect, Future: reflects a future event which has not yet come into completion, or one that has not yet begun, or future tense from the perspective of a prior verb which is used in past tense
Imperfect, Subjunctive: reflects a potential, theoretical or modal verb, such as in conditional clauses, e.g. "If you go...", "she should stay"
Imperfect, Jussive/Cohortative: reflects a non-immediate command, invitation, permission or wishful request, e.g. "let there be light", "you may eat from the tree", "let's go", "O that someone would get me a drink"

Sample text

The following is a sample from Psalm 18 as appears in the Masoretic text with medieval Tiberian niqqud and cantillation and the Greek transcription of the Secunda of the Hexapla along with its reconstructed pronunciation.

29. Шаблон:IPA **** Шаблон:IPA

30. Шаблон:IPA

31. Шаблон:IPA **** Шаблон:IPA

32. Шаблон:IPA **** Шаблон:IPA

Notes

↑ This is known because the final redaction of the Talmud, which does not mention these additions, was Шаблон:Circa, while dated manuscripts with vocalization are found in the beginning of the tenth century. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ However it is noteworthy that Akkadian shares many of these sound shifts but is less closely related to Hebrew than Aramaic. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ However, for example, when Old Aramaic borrowed the Canaanite alphabet it still had interdentals, but marked them with what they merged with in Canaanite. For instance 'ox' was written Шаблон:Lang but pronounced with an initial Шаблон:IPA. The same phenomenon also occurred when the Arabs adopted the Nabatean alphabet. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ As a consequence this would leave open the possibility that other proto-Semitic phonemes (such as *Шаблон:IPA) may have been preserved regionally at one point. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Such contraction is also found in Ugaritic, the El-Amarna letters, and in Phoenician, while the anaptyctic vowel is found in Old Aramaic and Deir Alla. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ At times the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, and Philistines would also use the Paleo-Hebrew script. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Though some of these translations wrote the tetragrammaton in the square script See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Ktiv male, the Hebrew term for full spelling, has become de rigueur in Modern Hebrew.
↑ There are rare-cases of Шаблон:Angle bracket being used medially as a true vowel letter, e.g. Шаблон:Lang for the usual Шаблон:Lang 'fish'. Most cases, however, of Шаблон:Angle bracket being used as a vowel letter are theorized to stem from conservative spelling of words which contained Шаблон:IPA, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('head') from original Шаблон:IPA. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. There are also a number of exceptions to the rule of marking other long vowels, e.g. when the following syllable contains a vowel letters (like in Шаблон:Lang 'voices' rather than Шаблон:Lang) or when a vowel letter already marks a consonant (so Шаблон:Lang 'nations' rather than *Шаблон:Lang). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ The Secunda is a transliteration of the Hebrew biblical text contained in the Hexapla, a recension of the Old Testament compiled by Origen in the 3rd century CE. There is evidence that the text of the Secunda was written before 100 BCE, despite the later date of the Hexapla. For example, by the time of Origen Шаблон:Angbr were pronounced Шаблон:IPA, a merger which had already begun around 100 BCE, while in the Secunda they are used to represent Hebrew Шаблон:IPA. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ The Palestinian system has two main subtypes and shows great variation. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt The Babylonian vocalization occurred in two main types (simple / einfach and complex / kompliziert), with various subgroups differing as to their affinity with the Tiberian tradition. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ In the Babylonian and Palestinian systems only the most important vowels were written. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Almost all vocalized manuscripts use the Masoretic Text. However, there are some vocalized Samaritan manuscripts from the Middle Ages. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Or perhaps Hurrian, but this is unlikely See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ According to the generally accepted view, it is unlikely begadkefat spirantization occurred before the merger of Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA, or else Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA would have to be contrastive, which is cross-linguistically rare. However Blau argues that it is possible that lenited Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA could coexist even if pronounced identically, since one would be recognized as an alternating allophone (as apparently is the case in Nestorian Syriac). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ The vowel before originally geminate Шаблон:IPA usually shows compensatory lengthening, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'the father' < Шаблон:IPA; with Шаблон:IPA preceding Шаблон:IPA tends to remain short; with Шаблон:IPA original Шаблон:IPA also remains short, and Шаблон:IPA generally does not cause compensatory lengthening, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('he will have compassion'). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^17,0 ^17,1 In this respect the Palestinian tradition corresponds to the modern Sephardi pronunciation, and the Babylonian tradition to the modern Yemenite pronunciation.
↑ While the vowels Шаблон:IPA certainly have phonemic status in the Tiberian tradition, Шаблон:IPA has phonemic value in final stressed position but in other positions it may reflect loss of the opposition Шаблон:IPA. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ In fact, its scope of application is different in Samaritan and Tiberian Hebrew (e.g. Шаблон:Lang 'here' Tiberian Шаблон:IPA vs. Samaritan Шаблон:IPA), see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. Even in Tiberian Hebrew doublets are found, e.g. Шаблон:IPA = Шаблон:IPA ('zealous'). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Parallels to Aramaic syllable structure suggest pretonic lengthening may have occurred in the Second Temple period. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Long Шаблон:IPA were written as Шаблон:Angle bracket, while short Шаблон:IPA were written Шаблон:Angle bracket. This length distinction is also found in the LXX. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt, Шаблон:Harvcoltxt, and Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ In the Secunda Шаблон:IPA are preserved as short in syllables closed by two consonants and in the third syllable before the stress. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ The Secunda also has a few cases of pretonic gemination. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ In fact, first all stressed vowels were lengthened in pause, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. This can be seen by forms like Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA, pausal Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA. The shift in Tiberian Hebrew of Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA occurred after this lengthening, but before the loss of phonemicity of length (since words like Шаблон:Lang with allophonically long Шаблон:IPA do not show this shift).
↑ This is attested to by the testimony of Rabbi Joseph Qimḥi (12th century) and by medieval Arabic transcriptions, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. There is also possible evidence from the cantillation marks' behavior and Babylonian pataḥ, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ The Palestinian reflexes of Tiberian Шаблон:IPA (Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA) thus reflect the qamatz gadol-qamatz qatan distinction.
↑ See Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('ships') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('I'), Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('sickness') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('ornament'), Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('ascend!') (Num 21:17) and Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('[with the] pestle'; Prov 27:22). Шаблон:Harvcoltxt Шаблон:IPA alternates with Шаблон:IPA frequently and rarely contrasts with it, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('Edom') versus Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('Edomite'). Шаблон:Harvcoltxt Шаблон:IPA is clearly phonemic but bears minimal functional load. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt Шаблон:IPA is written both with mobile šwa Шаблон:Angbr and hataf patah Шаблон:Angbr. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ For Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA, see above. The Semitic form Шаблон:IPA was borrowed into Proto-Indo-European as Шаблон:IPA, eventually yielding Latin vīnum and English wine.
↑ This Шаблон:IPA does not become Шаблон:IPA in pause, thus Шаблон:Lang has a patah vowel in pause as well as in context. Шаблон:Cite book
↑ The only known case where Philippi's Law does not apply is in the word Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA ('nest'). The shift Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA has been extended by analogy to similar forms, e.g. Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA ('name'; but Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA 'reputation'!). Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Verbal forms such as Шаблон:Lang = Samaritan Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA may be examples of Barth's law rather than attenuation.
↑ This is known as pataḥ furtivum, literally 'stolen pataḥ' and perhaps a mistranslation of Hebrew Шаблон:Lang ('pataḥ of the stolen [letter]'), as if Шаблон:Lang were being inserted. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ It is evident that this epenthesis must have been a late phenomenon, since a short vowel preceding a guttural is preserved even though it becomes in an open syllable, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ This is less common when the consonant following the guttural is a begadkefat letter, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('you take in pledge'). This suggests that begadkefat spirantization was no longer automatic by the time that this epenthesis occurred, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ For the purposes of vowel quality shifts, words in the construct state are treated as if the stress fell immediately on the first syllable following the word. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Additionally, short stressed vowels in open syllables were reduced and lost stress, leading to ultimate stress in forms like Шаблон:Lang < Шаблон:IPA. In Tiberian Hebrew some words have penultimate stress in pause (before a break in reading), but ultimate stress in context, such as Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang ('she watched'), because the penultimate vowel in the original form Шаблон:IPA lengthened in pause, while in context it was not lengthened, and then lost the stress and was reduced due to this sound shift. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ It is not clear that a reduced vowel should be considered as comprising a whole syllable. Note for example that the rule whereby a word's stress shifts to a preceding open syllable to avoid being adjacent to another stressed syllable skips over ultrashort vowels, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('with those who go down into the pit') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('pierced with a sword'). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ It has been suggested that the construct forms Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang have long Шаблон:IPA lacking in the absolute Шаблон:Lang because the later stem from forms like Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA (because Proto-Semitic did not allow long vowels in closed syllables) > Шаблон:IPA (loss of mimation and final short vowel), see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ The unstressed suffix -ה in words like Шаблон:Lang ('to the earth'), occurring also in exclamations like Шаблон:Lang and used ornamentally in poetry, e.g. Шаблон:Lang, may have originally terminated in consonantal Шаблон:IPA which was later elided, following the suffix Шаблон:IPA. This is evidenced by Ugaritic orthography, almost purely consonantal, where Шаблон:Lang appears with Шаблон:IPA, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ The modal forms may be taken to form a single volitional class, as cohortative is used in first person, imperative (or prefixing) in second person positive, jussive (or prefixing) in second person negative, and jussive in third person. They also overlap semantically, for example a jussive form like 'May my soul ...' is semantically equivalent to a cohortative like 'May I ...'. However, the three moods stem from different classes in proto-West-Semitic. As preserved in Classical Arabic, there were originally three prefix tenses, indicative yaqtulu, jussive yaqtul, and subjunctive yaqtula, which existed for every person. In Biblical Hebrew, yaqtulu developed into the prefixing class, while yaqtul remained the jussive and yaqtula the cohortative. For most roots in Biblical Hebrew, the jussive form is identical to the indicative form. (Differentiation is typical of forms with "long" and "short" forms, e.g. indicative Шаблон:Lang, jussive Шаблон:Lang; indicative Шаблон:Lang, jussive Шаблон:Lang) See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt and Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

References

Шаблон:Reflist

Bibliography

External links

Шаблон:Commons category Шаблон:Wikisource

Biblical Hebrew Resources
- Resources for the Study of Biblical Hebrew, Prof. E. Ben Zvi, University of Alberta
- Brown–Driver–Briggs Hebrew Lexicon – with an appendix containing Biblical Aramaic (Wikisource)
- Free resources to study Biblical Hebrew online, eHebrew.net
Grammar, vocabulary and writing

Шаблон:Hebrew language Шаблон:Semitic languages Шаблон:Jewish languages Шаблон:Authority control

↑ Шаблон:Cite book
↑ ^2,0 ^2,1 ^2,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^3,0 ^3,1 ^3,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Bibleverse
↑ ^5,0 ^5,1 ^5,2 ^5,3 ^5,4 ^5,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Bibleverse
↑ Josephus, Antiquities I, 1:2, etc.
↑ Mishnah Gittin 9:8, etc.
↑ ^9,0 ^9,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^10,0 ^10,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^11,0 ^11,1 ^11,2 ^11,3 ^11,4 ^11,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^12,0 ^12,1 ^12,2 ^12,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Meir Holder, History of the Jewish People: From Yavneh to Pumbedisa, Mesorah, 1986, p. 115.
↑ Aramaic: the Yiddish of the Middle East
↑ Pesahim 87b
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^18,0 ^18,1 ^18,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^19,0 ^19,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt: "The extrabiblical linguistic material from the Iron Age is primarily epigraphic, that is, texts written on hard materials (pottery, stones, walls, etc.). The epigraphic texts from Israelite territory are written in Hebrew in a form of the language which may be called Inscriptional Hebrew; this "dialect" is not strikingly different from the Hebrew preserved in the Masoretic text. Unfortunately, it is meagerly attested."
↑ ^20,0 ^20,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^21,0 ^21,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^23,0 ^23,1 ^23,2 ^23,3 ^23,4 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^24,0 ^24,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^28,00 ^28,01 ^28,02 ^28,03 ^28,04 ^28,05 ^28,06 ^28,07 ^28,08 ^28,09 ^28,10 ^28,11 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^31,0 ^31,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^32,0 ^32,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^34,0 ^34,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^37,0 ^37,1 ^37,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^38,0 ^38,1 ^38,2 ^38,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^46,0 ^46,1 ^46,2 ^46,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ "*šu(n)bul-at- – ear of corn" in Semitic Etymological Database Online
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^51,0 ^51,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^52,0 ^52,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^53,0 ^53,1 ^53,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^54,0 ^54,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^57,0 ^57,1 ^57,2 ^57,3 ^57,4 ^57,5 ^57,6 ^57,7 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^58,0 ^58,1 ^58,2 ^58,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^61,0 ^61,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^62,0 ^62,1 ^62,2 ^62,3 ^62,4 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^63,0 ^63,1 ^63,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^65,0 ^65,1 ^65,2 ^65,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^67,0 ^67,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^70,0 ^70,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^71,0 ^71,1 ^71,2 ^71,3 ^71,4 ^71,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^72,0 ^72,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^74,0 ^74,1 ^74,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^75,0 ^75,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^79,0 ^79,1 ^79,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^82,0 ^82,1 ^82,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^85,0 ^85,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^86,0 ^86,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^87,0 ^87,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Cite book
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^93,0 ^93,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^97,0 ^97,1 ^97,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^98,0 ^98,1 ^98,2 ^98,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^104,0 ^104,1 ^104,2 ^104,3 ^104,4 ^104,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^105,0 ^105,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.
↑ ^114,0 ^114,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^116,0 ^116,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^118,0 ^118,1 ^118,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^127,0 ^127,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^129,0 ^129,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^130,0 ^130,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt (while Ben-Hayyim notates four degrees of vowel length, he concedes that only his "fourth degree" has phonemic value)
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ ^133,0 ^133,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt
↑ Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег <ref>; для сносок bh49 не указан текст
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[24] This is known because the final redaction of the Talmud, which does not mention these additions, was Шаблон:Circa, while dated manuscripts with vocalization are found in the beginning of the tenth century. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[31] However it is noteworthy that Akkadian shares many of these sound shifts but is less closely related to Hebrew than Aramaic. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[33] However, for example, when Old Aramaic borrowed the Canaanite alphabet it still had interdentals, but marked them with what they merged with in Canaanite. For instance 'ox' was written Шаблон:Lang but pronounced with an initial Шаблон:IPA. The same phenomenon also occurred when the Arabs adopted the Nabatean alphabet. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[51] As a consequence this would leave open the possibility that other proto-Semitic phonemes (such as *Шаблон:IPA) may have been preserved regionally at one point. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[55] Such contraction is also found in Ugaritic, the El-Amarna letters, and in Phoenician, while the anaptyctic vowel is found in Old Aramaic and Deir Alla. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[69] At times the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, and Philistines would also use the Paleo-Hebrew script. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[73] Though some of these translations wrote the tetragrammaton in the square script See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[80] Ktiv male, the Hebrew term for full spelling, has become de rigueur in Modern Hebrew.

[82] There are rare-cases of Шаблон:Angle bracket being used medially as a true vowel letter, e.g. Шаблон:Lang for the usual Шаблон:Lang 'fish'. Most cases, however, of Шаблон:Angle bracket being used as a vowel letter are theorized to stem from conservative spelling of words which contained Шаблон:IPA, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('head') from original Шаблон:IPA. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. There are also a number of exceptions to the rule of marking other long vowels, e.g. when the following syllable contains a vowel letters (like in Шаблон:Lang 'voices' rather than Шаблон:Lang) or when a vowel letter already marks a consonant (so Шаблон:Lang 'nations' rather than *Шаблон:Lang). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[87] The Secunda is a transliteration of the Hebrew biblical text contained in the Hexapla, a recension of the Old Testament compiled by Origen in the 3rd century CE. There is evidence that the text of the Secunda was written before 100 BCE, despite the later date of the Hexapla. For example, by the time of Origen Шаблон:Angbr were pronounced Шаблон:IPA, a merger which had already begun around 100 BCE, while in the Secunda they are used to represent Hebrew Шаблон:IPA. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[90] The Palestinian system has two main subtypes and shows great variation. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt The Babylonian vocalization occurred in two main types (simple / einfach and complex / kompliziert), with various subgroups differing as to their affinity with the Tiberian tradition. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[91] In the Babylonian and Palestinian systems only the most important vowels were written. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[93] Almost all vocalized manuscripts use the Masoretic Text. However, there are some vocalized Samaritan manuscripts from the Middle Ages. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[104] Or perhaps Hurrian, but this is unlikely See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[106] According to the generally accepted view, it is unlikely begadkefat spirantization occurred before the merger of Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA, or else Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA would have to be contrastive, which is cross-linguistically rare. However Blau argues that it is possible that lenited Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA could coexist even if pronounced identically, since one would be recognized as an alternating allophone (as apparently is the case in Nestorian Syriac). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[112] The vowel before originally geminate Шаблон:IPA usually shows compensatory lengthening, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA 'the father' < Шаблон:IPA; with Шаблон:IPA preceding Шаблон:IPA tends to remain short; with Шаблон:IPA original Шаблон:IPA also remains short, and Шаблон:IPA generally does not cause compensatory lengthening, e.g. Шаблон:Lang ('he will have compassion'). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[seph-121] 17,0 ^17,1 In this respect the Palestinian tradition corresponds to the modern Sephardi pronunciation, and the Babylonian tradition to the modern Yemenite pronunciation.

[122] While the vowels Шаблон:IPA certainly have phonemic status in the Tiberian tradition, Шаблон:IPA has phonemic value in final stressed position but in other positions it may reflect loss of the opposition Шаблон:IPA. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[127] In fact, its scope of application is different in Samaritan and Tiberian Hebrew (e.g. Шаблон:Lang 'here' Tiberian Шаблон:IPA vs. Samaritan Шаблон:IPA), see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. Even in Tiberian Hebrew doublets are found, e.g. Шаблон:IPA = Шаблон:IPA ('zealous'). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[131] Parallels to Aramaic syllable structure suggest pretonic lengthening may have occurred in the Second Temple period. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[133] Long Шаблон:IPA were written as Шаблон:Angle bracket, while short Шаблон:IPA were written Шаблон:Angle bracket. This length distinction is also found in the LXX. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt, Шаблон:Harvcoltxt, and Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[134] In the Secunda Шаблон:IPA are preserved as short in syllables closed by two consonants and in the third syllable before the stress. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[137] The Secunda also has a few cases of pretonic gemination. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[139] In fact, first all stressed vowels were lengthened in pause, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. This can be seen by forms like Tiberian Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA, pausal Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA. The shift in Tiberian Hebrew of Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA occurred after this lengthening, but before the loss of phonemicity of length (since words like Шаблон:Lang with allophonically long Шаблон:IPA do not show this shift).

[141] This is attested to by the testimony of Rabbi Joseph Qimḥi (12th century) and by medieval Arabic transcriptions, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt. There is also possible evidence from the cantillation marks' behavior and Babylonian pataḥ, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[145] The Palestinian reflexes of Tiberian Шаблон:IPA (Шаблон:IPA and Шаблон:IPA) thus reflect the qamatz gadol-qamatz qatan distinction.

[151] See Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('ships') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('I'), Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('sickness') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('ornament'), Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('ascend!') (Num 21:17) and Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('[with the] pestle'; Prov 27:22). Шаблон:Harvcoltxt Шаблон:IPA alternates with Шаблон:IPA frequently and rarely contrasts with it, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('Edom') versus Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('Edomite'). Шаблон:Harvcoltxt Шаблон:IPA is clearly phonemic but bears minimal functional load. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt Шаблон:IPA is written both with mobile šwa Шаблон:Angbr and hataf patah Шаблон:Angbr. Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[162] For Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA, see above. The Semitic form Шаблон:IPA was borrowed into Proto-Indo-European as Шаблон:IPA, eventually yielding Latin vīnum and English wine.

[166] This Шаблон:IPA does not become Шаблон:IPA in pause, thus Шаблон:Lang has a patah vowel in pause as well as in context. Шаблон:Cite book

[169] The only known case where Philippi's Law does not apply is in the word Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA ('nest'). The shift Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA has been extended by analogy to similar forms, e.g. Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA ('name'; but Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA 'reputation'!). Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[172] Verbal forms such as Шаблон:Lang = Samaritan Шаблон:IPA < Шаблон:IPA may be examples of Barth's law rather than attenuation.

[174] This is known as pataḥ furtivum, literally 'stolen pataḥ' and perhaps a mistranslation of Hebrew Шаблон:Lang ('pataḥ of the stolen [letter]'), as if Шаблон:Lang were being inserted. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[176] It is evident that this epenthesis must have been a late phenomenon, since a short vowel preceding a guttural is preserved even though it becomes in an open syllable, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[177] This is less common when the consonant following the guttural is a begadkefat letter, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('you take in pledge'). This suggests that begadkefat spirantization was no longer automatic by the time that this epenthesis occurred, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[179] For the purposes of vowel quality shifts, words in the construct state are treated as if the stress fell immediately on the first syllable following the word. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[180] Additionally, short stressed vowels in open syllables were reduced and lost stress, leading to ultimate stress in forms like Шаблон:Lang < Шаблон:IPA. In Tiberian Hebrew some words have penultimate stress in pause (before a break in reading), but ultimate stress in context, such as Шаблон:Lang and Шаблон:Lang ('she watched'), because the penultimate vowel in the original form Шаблон:IPA lengthened in pause, while in context it was not lengthened, and then lost the stress and was reduced due to this sound shift. See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[182] It is not clear that a reduced vowel should be considered as comprising a whole syllable. Note for example that the rule whereby a word's stress shifts to a preceding open syllable to avoid being adjacent to another stressed syllable skips over ultrashort vowels, e.g. Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('with those who go down into the pit') Шаблон:Lang Шаблон:IPA ('pierced with a sword'). See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[192] It has been suggested that the construct forms Шаблон:Lang, Шаблон:Lang have long Шаблон:IPA lacking in the absolute Шаблон:Lang because the later stem from forms like Шаблон:IPA > Шаблон:IPA (because Proto-Semitic did not allow long vowels in closed syllables) > Шаблон:IPA (loss of mimation and final short vowel), see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[194] The unstressed suffix -ה in words like Шаблон:Lang ('to the earth'), occurring also in exclamations like Шаблон:Lang and used ornamentally in poetry, e.g. Шаблон:Lang, may have originally terminated in consonantal Шаблон:IPA which was later elided, following the suffix Шаблон:IPA. This is evidenced by Ugaritic orthography, almost purely consonantal, where Шаблон:Lang appears with Шаблон:IPA, see Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[211] The modal forms may be taken to form a single volitional class, as cohortative is used in first person, imperative (or prefixing) in second person positive, jussive (or prefixing) in second person negative, and jussive in third person. They also overlap semantically, for example a jussive form like 'May my soul ...' is semantically equivalent to a cohortative like 'May I ...'. However, the three moods stem from different classes in proto-West-Semitic. As preserved in Classical Arabic, there were originally three prefix tenses, indicative yaqtulu, jussive yaqtul, and subjunctive yaqtula, which existed for every person. In Biblical Hebrew, yaqtulu developed into the prefixing class, while yaqtul remained the jussive and yaqtula the cohortative. For most roots in Biblical Hebrew, the jussive form is identical to the indicative form. (Differentiation is typical of forms with "long" and "short" forms, e.g. indicative Шаблон:Lang, jussive Шаблон:Lang; indicative Шаблон:Lang, jussive Шаблон:Lang) See Шаблон:Harvcoltxt and Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[Barton-1] Шаблон:Cite book

[eurekalert.org-2] 2,0 ^2,1 ^2,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bar-3] 3,0 ^3,1 ^3,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[4] Шаблон:Bibleverse

[s1-5] 5,0 ^5,1 ^5,2 ^5,3 ^5,4 ^5,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[6] Шаблон:Bibleverse

[7] Josephus, Antiquities I, 1:2, etc.

[8] Mishnah Gittin 9:8, etc.

[enws-9] 9,0 ^9,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[wo8-9-10] 10,0 ^10,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sthist-11] 11,0 ^11,1 ^11,2 ^11,3 ^11,4 ^11,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[s112-12] 12,0 ^12,1 ^12,2 ^12,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[13] Meir Holder, History of the Jewish People: From Yavneh to Pumbedisa, Mesorah, 1986, p. 115.

[14] Aramaic: the Yiddish of the Middle East

[15] Pesahim 87b

[16] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[blau11-17] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b10-18] 18,0 ^18,1 ^18,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[wo8a-19] 19,0 ^19,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt: "The extrabiblical linguistic material from the Iron Age is primarily epigraphic, that is, texts written on hard materials (pottery, stones, walls, etc.). The epigraphic texts from Israelite territory are written in Hebrew in a form of the language which may be called Inscriptional Hebrew; this "dialect" is not strikingly different from the Hebrew preserved in the Masoretic text. Unfortunately, it is meagerly attested."

[wo16-20] 20,0 ^20,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[yheb-21] 21,0 ^21,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[22] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b7-23] 23,0 ^23,1 ^23,2 ^23,3 ^23,4 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bmerge-25] 24,0 ^24,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[26] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[kogan54-27] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[28] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sclas-29] 28,00 ^28,01 ^28,02 ^28,03 ^28,04 ^28,05 ^28,06 ^28,07 ^28,08 ^28,09 ^28,10 ^28,11 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[30] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[32] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[scon-34] 31,0 ^31,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bmoab-35] 32,0 ^32,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b21-36] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[Blau_2010_136-137-37] 34,0 ^34,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[38] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[39] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sb52-40] 37,0 ^37,1 ^37,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[r66-41] 38,0 ^38,1 ^38,2 ^38,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[42] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[43] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[44] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[45] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[46] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sb55-47] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[48] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bshib-49] 46,0 ^46,1 ^46,2 ^46,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[50] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[52] "*šu(n)bul-at- – ear of corn" in Semitic Etymological Database Online

[53] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[54] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bdip-56] 51,0 ^51,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b8-57] 52,0 ^52,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sgut-58] 53,0 ^53,1 ^53,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[samgut-59] 54,0 ^54,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[60] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[61] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b69-62] 57,0 ^57,1 ^57,2 ^57,3 ^57,4 ^57,5 ^57,6 ^57,7 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[r-63] 58,0 ^58,1 ^58,2 ^58,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[64] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[65] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[y-66] 61,0 ^61,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[tscript-67] 62,0 ^62,1 ^62,2 ^62,3 ^62,4 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[s17-68] 63,0 ^63,1 ^63,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[70] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[yb-71] 65,0 ^65,1 ^65,2 ^65,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[ysq-72] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[ybook-74] 67,0 ^67,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[75] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[76] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b77-77] 70,0 ^70,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[to1-78] 71,0 ^71,1 ^71,2 ^71,3 ^71,4 ^71,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b6-79] 72,0 ^72,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[81] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[tq1-83] 74,0 ^74,1 ^74,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sq-84] 75,0 ^75,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[85] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[Jobes_and_Silva-86] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[88] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[rvoc-89] 79,0 ^79,1 ^79,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[92] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[94] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[tsp-95] 82,0 ^82,1 ^82,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[96] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[97] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[length-98] 85,0 ^85,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b68-99] 86,0 ^86,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[r73-100] 87,0 ^87,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[101] Шаблон:Cite book

[102] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[103] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[105] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[107] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bbgd-108] 93,0 ^93,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[109] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[110] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[111] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[david-113] 97,0 ^97,1 ^97,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[j54-114] 98,0 ^98,1 ^98,2 ^98,3 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[115] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[116] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[117] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[118] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[119] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b118-119-120] 104,0 ^104,1 ^104,2 ^104,3 ^104,4 ^104,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[y16-123] 105,0 ^105,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b111-124] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[125] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[126] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[128] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[129] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[Janssens_1982_56-57-130] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[132] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[135] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt.

[j120-136] 114,0 ^114,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[138] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[Blau_2010_82,_110-140] 116,0 ^116,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[jqimhi-142] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[r77-143] 118,0 ^118,1 ^118,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[144] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[breduc-146] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[147] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[148] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b117-118-149] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[150] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[y281-282-152] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b105-106-153] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b84-85-154] 127,0 ^127,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[y282-283-155] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[s160-156] 129,0 ^129,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bhlen-157] 130,0 ^130,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt (while Ben-Hayyim notates four degrees of vowel length, he concedes that only his "fourth degree" has phonemic value)

[bh62-158] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[jlong-159] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bhlong-160] 133,0 ^133,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bh49-161] Ошибка цитирования Неверный тег <ref>; для сносок bh49 не указан текст

[ssam-163] 135,0 ^135,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sdis-164] 136,0 ^136,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bphil-165] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[167] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bhp-168] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b132-170] 140,0 ^140,1 ^140,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[171] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b83-173] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[175] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[j52-178] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b143-144-181] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[183] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[184] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[pos-185] 148,0 ^148,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sroot-186] 149,0 ^149,1 ^149,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sroot2-187] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[prefs-188] 151,0 ^151,1 ^151,2 ^151,3 ^151,4 ^151,5 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[189] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[scase-190] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[b267-8-191] 154,0 ^154,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[193] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[195] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[196] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[197] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[198] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[wdual-199] 160,0 ^160,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[200] Шаблон:Cite book

[201] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[202] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[203] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[def-204] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[def2-205] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[bseg-206] 167,0 ^167,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[207] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[wp-208] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sb-209] 170,0 ^170,1 ^170,2 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[sconj-210] 171,0 ^171,1 Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[212] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[213] Robert Holmstedt. Basic Word Order in the Biblical Hebrew Verbal Clause, Part 3. 2011-05-16. Accessed 2012-06-16.

[214] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[215] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[216] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[glinert-217] Шаблон:Harvcoltxt

[218] Шаблон:Cite web

[219] Шаблон:Cite book

[:0-220] 180,0 ^180,1 ^180,2 Шаблон:Cite book

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Английская Википедия:Biblical Hebrew

Содержание

Nomenclature

History

Classification

Eras

Dialects

Orthography

Phonology

Consonants

Vowels

Sound changes

Proto-Central-Semitic

Potential Canaanite shift

Proto-Hebrew

Loss of final unstressed vowels

Short vowel lengthening (esp. pretonic), lowering

Reduction of short open stressed syllables

Pre-stress reduction of short vowel

Later developments

Stress

Grammar

Nouns and adjectives

Verbs

Word order

Tense and aspect

Sample text

Notes

References

Bibliography

External links

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