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Шаблон:Short description Шаблон:Italic title Шаблон:Use mdy dates Шаблон:Cleanup reorganize

Шаблон:Nihongo3 is a term for ethnic Japanese people who are believed to be descended from members of the pre-Meiji feudal class which were associated with Шаблон:Nihongo3, such as executioners, undertakers, slaughterhouse workers, butchers, and tanners. The term encompasses both the historical Шаблон:Transliteration and Шаблон:Transliteration outcasts. During Japan's feudal era, these occupations acquired a hereditary status of oppression, and became an unofficial class of the Tokugawa class system during the Edo period. Due to severe discrimination and ostracism in Japanese society. After the feudal system was abolished, the term Шаблон:Transliteration came into use to refer to the former caste members and their descendants, who continued to experience stigmatization and discrimination.

Terminology

The term Шаблон:Transliteration is derived from Шаблон:Nihongo, a Japanese term which refers literally to a small, generally rural, commune or hamlet. In the regions of Japan where the Шаблон:Transliteration issue is much less publicly prominent, such as Hokkaido and Okinawa, Шаблон:Transliteration is still used in a non-pejorative sense to refer to any hamlet.[1] Historically, the term Шаблон:Transliteration was used for an outcast community that was discriminated against officially and formally.

Terms
Roman Kanji Meaning Annotation
Шаблон:Transliteration Шаблон:Lang 'Discriminated community/hamlet' Шаблон:Transliteration is a commonly used, polite term, with people from them called Шаблон:Nihongo3 or Шаблон:Nihongo3.
Шаблон:Transliteration Шаблон:Lang 'Hamlet people' Шаблон:Transliteration refers either to hamlet people per se or is used as an abbreviation of people from a discriminated community/hamlet. Very old people tend to use the word in the former meaning. Its use is sometimes frowned upon, though it is by far the most commonly used term in English.
Шаблон:Transliteration Шаблон:Lang 'Unliberated communities' Шаблон:Transliteration is a term sometimes used by human rights groups, and has a degree of political meaning to it.
Шаблон:Transliteration Шаблон:Lang 'Special hamlets' Шаблон:Transliteration was a term used during the early 20th century but is now considered pejorative.

A term used much for Шаблон:Transliteration settlements is Шаблон:Nihongo3, an official term for districts designated for government and local authority assimilation projects from 1969 to 2002.

The social issue concerning "discriminated communities" is usually referred to as Шаблон:Nihongo3 or, less commonly, Шаблон:Nihongo3.

During the feudal era, the outcastes were termed Шаблон:Nihongo3, a term now considered derogatory. Шаблон:Transliteration towns were termed Шаблон:Nihongo.

Some Шаблон:Transliteration refer to their own communities as Шаблон:Nihongo3 and themselves as Шаблон:Nihongo3.Шаблон:Citation needed

Other outcaste groups from whom Шаблон:Transliteration may have been descended included the Шаблон:Nihongo3. The definition of Шаблон:Transliteration, as well as their social status and typical occupations varied over time, but typically included ex-convicts and vagrants who worked as town guards, street cleaners or entertainers.Шаблон:Citation needed

During the 19th century, the term Шаблон:Transliteration was invented to name the Шаблон:Transliteration and Шаблон:Transliteration because both classes were forced to live in separate village neighborhoods.[2]

Definition

Defining the Шаблон:Transliteration as a separate group is difficult. Шаблон:Transliteration parents sometimes do not tell their children about their ancestry in hopes of avoiding discrimination.[3] Because of this, there is an increasingly large population that has no idea that others would consider them Шаблон:Transliteration.[4] Discrimination is primarily based on ancestry and location; someone with no Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry may be viewed as one and discriminated against if they move to a former Шаблон:Transliteration.[5]

Historical origins

The predecessors to Шаблон:Transliteration, called Шаблон:Nihongo or Шаблон:Nihongo formed as a distinct group some time during the Heian period, AD 794–1185. The permeation of Buddhism into Japan in the first millennium led to the castigation of meat eating and similar activities. The Shinto and Buddhist cultures, which aimed for a certain purity of body and mind, considered working with dead animals, blood, or any sort of decaying object as polluting, and hence occupations like butchery and leather tanning were besmirched.Шаблон:Sfn The eta, people who held such occupations, dealt with pollution and were thus considered inferior or sub-human. However, because of their ability to deal with pollution, several myths emerged from the Heian through medieval periods about certain Шаблон:Transliteration's abilities to cleanse ritual pollution, and in some portrayals even possess magical powers.[6] Another outcaste, the Шаблон:Transliteration, were associated with the tanning industry, and had the exclusive rights to tan hides.[7] Prior to the Edo period, these burakumin (peripatetic or settled) would live outside common population centers and maintained some socio-ethical significance, albeit negligible. They were also employed as mediators in disputes. Spatial and geographic markers played a significant role in the distinction between the burakumin and other members of society.[8]

Шаблон:Transliteration, meaning 'non-human', was another pre-Шаблон:Transliteration status, applying to certain criminals, beggars and camp followers of samurai. Their position was more mobile, and they were usually thought to be less polluted.[9] The Tokugawa shogunate regarded beggars as Шаблон:Transliteration and allowed them to beg in designated areas. They had to work as restroom attendants, prison officers, or executioners.

Within the hinin and Шаблон:Transliteration communities there would usually be a centralized chiefain[10] who was given the exclusive license of tanning, candle wicks and other similar occupations, employing their peers and concentrating great wealth and local power.[11] This chieftain took on the name of Шаблон:Nihongo and was given the authority to supervise the hisabetsumin living in the hamlets located in the eight provinces of the Kanto region, the Izu Province, as well as in parts of Kai, Suruga, Mutsu and Mikawa Provinces.[12]

Edo Period

In 1603, Tokugawa Ieyasu established the Tokugawa Shogunate, systemically extirpating the previous disarray in Japan wrought by rampant internecine strife and warring by daimyos, local feudal lords. He restored the power and influence of the hitherto vitiated shogun position, consolidated central authority, managed to exert control over strategically important daimyos and their fiefs and became the de facto leader of Japan. His rule brought out about the Edo period, which scholars characterize as the unification of Japan. As a means to control opposition and preserve the rule of the Tokugawa clan, Ieyasu introduced a rigid social structure encompassing four classes based on neo-Confucian theory. The four classes, in order of descending prestige, were the samurai, peasants, artisans and the merchants. The burakumin held occupations associated with religious impurity, and were subsequently relegated as outcastes and subject to ostracization in the mainstream Japanese society. Among the members of the outcastes were the eta (hereditary outcastes), landless peasants and the hinin, which comprised people guilty of certain crimes and their offspring. As Japanese society stabilized, the demand for leather declined, as it was used largely for warring purposes, and along with the Tokugawa caste policy, the eta were relegated to the peripheries of villages or formed their own communities.[13] The hinin were eventually forced to join in eta settlements (buraku). As the Edo period witnessed local prosperity, the shogunate augmented the differences between the four classes (even between the burakumin and the hinin), and often used the two outcaste groups as scapegoats.[8] Various humiliating injunctions mandating certain dress codes or hairstyles for burakumin were passed, and by the 18th century, they were prohibited from entering temples, homes of common citizens and schools. At this point, the burakumin were generally economically subsistent on the government's purchase of the war equipment they produced, and they adopted occupations in the military as jailers, torturers and executioners.[14]

End of the feudal era

Файл:Jiichiro Matsumoto.JPG
The most famous official of the Buraku Liberation League, Jiichirō Matsumoto (1887–1966), who was born a Шаблон:Transliteration in Fukuoka prefecture. He was a statesman and termed "the father of Шаблон:Transliteration liberation".[15]

The feudal caste system in Japan ended formally in 1869 with the Meiji restoration. In 1871, the newly formed Meiji government issued the Шаблон:Nihongo3 decree, giving outcasts equal legal status. It is currently known better as the Шаблон:Nihongo3. However, Шаблон:Transliteration were deprived of the exclusive rights of disposal of dead bodies of horses and cattle.[16][17][18] The elimination of their monopolies of certain occupations actually resulted in a decrease of their general living standards, while social discrimination simply continued.

During the early Meiji era, many anti-Шаблон:Transliteration riots (Шаблон:Nihongo3) happened around the country. For example, in a village in Okayama when "former Шаблон:Transliteration" tried to buy alcohol, four men were killed, four men were injured and 25 houses were destroyed by commoners.[17] In another village, as part of an anti-Government riot,[19] 263 houses were destroyed and 18 former Шаблон:Transliterations were killed.

The practice of eating meat existed even during the Edo period,[20] but the official ban of the consumption of meat from livestock was ended in 1871 in order to "Westernise" the country. Many former Шаблон:Transliteration began to work in abattoirs and as butchers, as they were thought to be experienced with the handling of dead bodies.[9]

Slow-changing social attitudes, especially in the countryside, meant that abattoirs and their workers were often met with hostility from local residents. Continued ostracism, the decrease of living standards and the development of modern construction and city sprawl resulted in former Шаблон:Transliteration communities becoming slum areas. Prejudice against the consumption of meat continued throughout the Meiji period. In 1872, a group of Шаблон:Transliteration, who objected to the Emperor's consumption of meat, tried to enter the Tokyo Imperial Palace and four of them were killed. They claimed that gods would leave Japan because the Japanese had eaten meat.[9]

There were many terms used to indicate former outcastes, their communities or settlements at the time. Official documents referred to them as Шаблон:Nihongo3, while the newly liberated outcasts called themselves Шаблон:Nihongo3, among other terms.

Nakae Chōmin was a late 19th century statesmen who worked for the liberation of Шаблон:Transliteration. He transferred his resident registration to Шаблон:Transliteration and denounced the discrimination against them when he campaigned during the election of 1890 from Osaka and won.

The term Шаблон:Nihongo3, now considered inappropriate, started being used by officials during the 1900s, and resulted in the meaning of the word Шаблон:Transliteration ('hamlet') coming to imply former Шаблон:Transliteration villages in certain parts of Japan.Шаблон:Citation needed

Attempts to resolve the problem during the early 20th century were of two types: the Шаблон:Nihongo philosophy which encouraged improvements in living standards of Шаблон:Transliteration communities and integration with the mainstream Japanese society, and the Шаблон:Nihongo philosophy which concentrated on confronting and criticising alleged perpetrators of discrimination.

Post-war situation

Although liberated legally during 1871 with the abolition of the feudal caste system, this did not end social discrimination against Шаблон:Transliteration nor improve their living standards; until recently,Шаблон:When Japanese family registration was fixed to an ancestral home address, which allowed people to deduce their Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry.Шаблон:Citation needed

Demographics

The number of Шаблон:Transliteration asserted to be living in modern Japan varies from source to source. Japanese government statistics show the number of residents of assimilation districts who claim Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry, whereas the Buraku Liberation League (BLL) figures are estimates of the total number of descendants of all former and current Шаблон:Transliteration residents, including current residents without any Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry.

A 1993 report by the Japanese government counted 4,533 Шаблон:Nihongo3 throughout the country. Most were located in western Japan, while none were located in Hokkaido and Tōhoku. About three quarters of the districts are in rural areas. The size of each community ranged from less than five households to more than 1,000 households.[21]

It is estimated that around 1,000 buraku communities chose not to register as Шаблон:Transliteration, wanting to avoid the negative attention that could come from explicitly declaring themselves Шаблон:Transliteration.[22] BLL has extrapolated Meiji-era figures to arrive at an estimate of nearly three million Шаблон:Transliteration.[23] In some areas, Шаблон:Transliteration are in a majority; per a 1997 report, they accounted for more than 70 percent of all residents of Yoshikawa (now Kōnan) in Kōchi Prefecture. In Ōtō, Fukuoka Prefecture, they accounted for more than 60 percent.[24]

According to a survey performed by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government during 2003, 76% of Tokyo residents would not change their opinion of a close neighbor whom they discovered to be a Шаблон:Transliteration; 4.9% of respondents, on the other hand, would actively avoid a Шаблон:Transliteration neighbor. There is still a social stigma for being a resident of certain areas associated traditionally with the Шаблон:Transliteration, and some lingering discrimination in matters such as marriage and employment.[25]

Discrimination in access to services

In many parts of the country, Шаблон:Transliteration settlements built on the site of former Шаблон:Transliteration villages ceased to exist by the 1960s because of either urban development or integration into mainstream society. However, in other regions, many of their residents continued to suffer from slum-like housing and infrastructure, lower economic status, illiteracy, and lower general educational standards.Шаблон:Citation needed

In 1969, the government passed the Шаблон:Nihongo[26] to provide funding to these communities. Communities deemed to be in need of funding were designated for various Шаблон:Nihongo, such as construction of new housing and community facilities such as health centers, libraries and swimming pools. The projects were terminated in 2002 with a total funding of an estimated 12 trillion yen over 33 years.Шаблон:Citation needed

Social discrimination

Cases of social discrimination against residents of Шаблон:Transliteration areas are still an issue in certain regions. Outside of the Kansai region, people in general are often not aware of the issues experienced by those of Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry, and if they are, this awareness may only be awareness of the history of feudal Japan. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic and the campaigns by the Buraku Liberation League to remove any references in the media that may propagate discrimination against them, the issue is rarely discussed in the media.[27]

Prejudice against Шаблон:Transliteration most often manifests itself in the form of marriage discrimination and sometimes in employment. Traditionalist families have been known to check on the backgrounds of potential in-laws to identify people of Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry. These checks are now illegal, and marriage discrimination is diminishing; Nadamoto Masahisa of the Buraku History Institute estimates that between 60 and 80% of Шаблон:Transliteration marry a non-Шаблон:Transliteration, whereas for people born during the late 1930s and early 1940s, the rate was 10%.[28] Over the past decades, the number of marriages between Шаблон:Transliteration and non-Шаблон:Transliteration have increased, and opinion polls have shown a decrease in the number of Japanese willing to state they would discriminate against Шаблон:Transliteration.[29]

Many companies were known to have used lists of Шаблон:Transliteration addresses that were developed first in 1975 to exclude the Шаблон:Transliteration. The average income of a Шаблон:Transliteration family was significantly less than the national average (60% in 1992).[30]

Cases of continuing social discrimination are known to occur mainly in western Japan, particularly in the Osaka, Kyoto, Hyogo, and Hiroshima regions, where many people, especially the older generation, stereotype Шаблон:Transliteration residents (whatever their ancestry) and associate them with squalor, unemployment and criminality.[31]

No Шаблон:Transliteration communities were identified in the following prefectures: Hokkaido, Aomori, Iwate, Miyagi, Akita, Yamagata, Fukushima, Tokyo, Toyama, Ishikawa, and Okinawa.[32]

Yakuza membership

According to David E. Kaplan and Alec Dubro in Yakuza: The Explosive Account of Japan's Criminal Underworld (1986), Шаблон:Transliteration account for about 70% of the members of Yamaguchi-gumi, the largest yakuza crime syndicate in Japan.[33]Шаблон:Page needed

Mitsuhiro Suganuma, an ex-member of the Public Security Intelligence Agency, testified in 2006 that Шаблон:Transliteration account for about 60 percent of yakuza.[34]

Шаблон:Transliteration rights movement

As early as 1922, officials of the Шаблон:Transliteration organized a campaign, the Шаблон:Nihongo, to advance their rights. The Declaration of the Шаблон:Transliteration encouraged the Шаблон:Transliteration to unite in resistance to discrimination, and sought to create a positive identity for the victims of discrimination, insisting that the time had come to be "proud of being Шаблон:Transliteration". The declaration portrayed the Шаблон:Transliteration ancestors as "manly martyrs of industry" and argued that to submit meekly to oppression would be to insult and profane these ancestors. Despite internal divisions among anarchist, Bolshevik, and social democratic factions, and despite the Japanese government's establishment of an alternate organization, the Yūma, designed to reduce the influence of the Шаблон:Transliteration, the Levelers Association remained active until the late 1930s.Шаблон:Citation needed

After World War II, the National Committee for Burakumin Liberation was initiated, changing its name to the Шаблон:Nihongo during the 1950s. The league, with the endorsement of the socialist and communist parties, influenced the government into making important concessions during the late 1960s and 1970s.

During the 1960s, the Sayama Incident publicised the problems of the group. The incident involved the murder conviction of a member of the discriminated communities based on circumstantial evidence, which is generally given little weight against physical evidence in Japanese courts.Шаблон:Citation needed

One concession was the passing of the Special Measures Law for Assimilation Projects, which provided financial aid for the discriminated communities. In 1976, legislation was also approved banning third parties from investigating another person's family registry.Шаблон:Citation needed This traditional system of registry, kept for all Japanese by the Ministry of Justice since the 19th century, would reveal an individual's Шаблон:Transliteration ancestry if consulted. By the new legislation, these records could now be consulted only for legal cases, making it more difficult to identify or discriminate against members of the group.

During the 1980s, some educators and local governments, particularly in areas with relatively large Шаблон:Transliteration populations, began special education programs which they hoped would encourage greater educational and economic success for young members of the group and decrease the discrimination they faced.[35] Шаблон:Transliteration rights groups exist presently in all parts of Japan except for Hokkaidō and Okinawa.

Шаблон:Nihongo have been established across the country by prefectural governments and local authorities; these, in addition to promoting Шаблон:Transliteration rights, campaign on behalf of a wide range of other groups such as women, the disabled, ethnic minorities, foreign residents and released prisoners.Шаблон:Citation needed Even into the early 1990s, however, discussion of the 'liberation' of these discriminated communities, or even their existence, was rare in public discussion.

Шаблон:Transliteration Liberation League and the Шаблон:Transliteration

Файл:Flag of Buraku Liberation League.png
Flag of the Buraku Liberation League

The Buraku Liberation League is considered one of the most militant among Шаблон:Transliteration's rights groups. The BLL is known for its fierce "denunciation and explanation sessions", where alleged perpetrators of discriminatory actions or speech are summoned for a public hearing before a panel of activists.Шаблон:Citation needed

Early sessions were marked by occasions of violence and kidnapping, and several BLL activists have been arrested for such acts. The legality of these sessions is still disputed, but to this date the authorities have mostly ignored them except in the more extreme cases.[36][37][38]

In 1990, Karel van Wolferen's criticism of the BLL in his much-acclaimed book The Enigma of Japanese Power prompted the BLL to demand the publisher halt publication of the Japanese translation of the book.Шаблон:Citation needed Van Wolferen condemned this as an international scandal.Шаблон:Citation needed

The other major Шаблон:Transliteration activist group is the Шаблон:Nihongo, or Шаблон:Transliteration, affiliated to the Japanese Communist Party (JCP). It was formed in 1979[39] by BLL activists who were either purged from the organization or abandoned it during the late 1960s, due to, among other things, their opposition to the decision that subsidies to the Шаблон:Transliteration should be limited to the BLL members only. Not all Шаблон:Transliteration were BLL members, and not all residents of the areas targeted for subsidies were historically descended from the outcastes.[40]

The Шаблон:Transliteration often disputed the BLL, accusing them of chauvinism. The conflict between the two organizations increased during 1974 when a clash between teachers belonging to a JCP-affiliated union and BLL activists at a high school in Yoka, rural Hyōgo Prefecture, put 29 in hospital.Шаблон:Citation needed

In 1988, the BLL formed the International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism (IMADR). The BLL sought for the IMADR to be recognized as a United Nations Non-Government Organization, but in 1991, the Шаблон:Transliteration informed the United Nations about the alleged human rights violations committed by the BLL in the course of their "denunciation sessions" held with accused "discriminators".[40][41]Шаблон:Better source needed

According to a BLL-funded think tank, when cases of discrimination were alleged, the Шаблон:Transliteration often conducted denunciation sessions as fierce as those of the BLL. Nonetheless, the IMADR was designated a UN human rights NGO in March 1993.[42]

On March 3, 2004, the Шаблон:Transliteration announced that "the Шаблон:Transliteration issue has basically been resolved" and formally disbanded. On March 4, 2004, they began a new organization known as the Шаблон:Nihongo or Шаблон:Transliteration.[43][44]

Religious discrimination

Шаблон:Expand section

Jōdo Shinshū Buddhism originally patronized the lower castesШаблон:Opinion. In 1922, when the National Levelers' Association (Шаблон:Transliteration) was initiated in Kyoto, Mankichi Saiko, a founder of the society and Jodo Shinshu priest, said, critiquing aggressive postures on the denouncement of acts of discrimination:

Шаблон:Blockquote

After many petitions from the BLL, in 1969 the Honganji changed its opinion on the Шаблон:Transliteration issue.Шаблон:Citation needed Шаблон:Transliteration, which disassociated from the BLL in 1968, regrets this decision.Шаблон:Citation needed

Religious discrimination against the Шаблон:Transliteration was not recognized until the BLL's criticism sessions became widespread. For example, in 1979 the Director-General of the Sōtō Sect of Buddhism made a speech at the "3rd World Conference on Religion and Peace" claiming that there was no discrimination against burakumin in Japan.[45]

Notable Шаблон:Transliteration

Шаблон:Expand section

See also

Discrimination in Japan

General

References

Шаблон:Reflist

Bibliography

Шаблон:Refbegin Main text originally from Library of Congress, Country Studies. 'Religious Discrimination' and 'Jodo shinshu Honganji' sections adapted from Shindharmanet and BLHRRI.Org. Шаблон:Refend Шаблон:Refbegin

Шаблон:Refend

External links

Шаблон:Social class Шаблон:Japanese social terms Шаблон:Authority control

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