The lowest places are where the main rivers leave the district. They are often located not far from the highest points, what indicates the magnitude of the relief
Since ages, major footpaths and roads in Dogu’a Tembien have been using mountain passes, called ksad, what means “neck” in Tigrinya language.
Ksad Halah (Шаблон:Coord), a narrow pass between Giba and Tsaliet basins, also crossed by the main road
Ksad Miheno (Шаблон:Coord), another pass with several footpaths linking Giba and Tsaliet basins; here, the main road is a ridge road and crosses the pass transversally
Ksad Addi Amyuk (Шаблон:Coord), at 2710 metres, is the highest pass of the district, where the main road passes before entering Hagere Selam
Ksad Mederbay (Шаблон:Coord), a V-shaped pass in a dolerite ridge, used to be the main entrance gate to Dogu’a Tembien, when coming from Mekelle with many converging footpaths and mule tracks. It was also a battle field during the Ethiopian Civil War of the 1980s
Ksad Azef (Шаблон:Coord) is a place through which the Tembien highlands could relatively easily be accessed when coming from the Gheralta lowlands. During the Italian invasion, it was an important battlefield during the First Battle of Tembien – The Italians called it Passo Abaro[5]
Ksad Adawro (Шаблон:Coord) is not a real pass, but a relatively level ledge between two cliffs
The town of Hagere Selam is located on a wide saddle
Ksad Korowya (Шаблон:Coord), remotely located along Tsaliet River, is a spectacular pass in the sandstone landscape, to be crossed before ascending to Dogu’a Tembien from the northwest
Ethnography
Place names show that the Tembien Tigrayans or Tembienot were partly Agew in the past; still nowadays, there are Agew speakers in Abergele, directly southwest of Dogu’a Tembien. The population of Dogu’a Tembien is composed of the original population with a certain admixture of descendants of slaves and serfs who were brought from southwestern Ethiopia, and were in the service of bigger land owners during feudality. There is no formal discrimination, and all have adopted Tigrinya language and identify as Tigrayans today. However, when it comes to marriage, in-laws may informally verify the ancestry of bride or groom.[6][7][8][9]
Ayninbirkekin, tabia centre in Halah (Шаблон:Coord). This tabia includes the previous Hamushte Kebeb tabia, holding the five villages of Hechi, Addi Qolqwal, May Be'ati, Halah and Tsigaba.
Simret, tabia centre in Dengolo (Шаблон:Coord). This tabia includes the village of Mennawe (Шаблон:Coord), birthplace of Ethiopian general Ras Alula Abba Nega
Based on the 2007 national census conducted by the Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia (CSA), this woreda had a total population of 113,595, an increase of 28% over the 1994 census, of whom 56,955 were men and 56,640 women; 7,270 or 6.4% were urban inhabitants. A total of 25,290 households were counted in this woreda, resulting in an average of 4.5 persons per household, and 24,591 housing units. The majority of the inhabitants said they practiced Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, with 99.89% reporting that as their religion.[11]
The 1994 national census reported a total population for this woreda of 89,037, of whom 44,408 were men and 44,629 were women. The largest ethnic group reported in Dogu'a Tembien was the Tigrayan (99.87%). Tigrinya was spoken as a first language by 99.89%. Concerning education, 7% of the population were considered literate, which was less than the Zone average of 14%; 8% of children aged 7–12 were in primary school; 0.14% of the children aged 13–14 were in junior secondary school, and 0.21% of the inhabitants aged 15–18 were in senior secondary school. Concerning sanitary conditions, about 29% of the urban houses and 15% of all houses had access to safe drinking water at the time of the census; 6% of the urban and 2.4% of the total had toilet facilities.[12]
2020 woreda reorganisation
As of 2020, Dogu'a Tembien's territory belongs to the following new woredas:Шаблон:Citation needed
At the end of the Mesozoic tectonic phase, a new (Cretaceous) planation took place. After that, the deposition of continental sediments (Amba Aradam Formation) indicates the presence of less shallow seas, what was probably caused by a regional uplift. In the beginning of the Caenozoic, there was a relative tectonic quiescence, during which the Amba Aradam Sandstones were partially eroded what led to the formation of a new planation surface.[18]
In the Eocene, the Afar plume a broad regional uplift deformed the lithosphere, leading to the eruption of flood basalts. The magma followed pre-existing tectonic lineaments. A mere thickness of 400 metres of basalt indicates that the pre-trap rock topography was more elevated in Dogu'a Tembien as compared to more southerly areas. Three major formations may be distinguished: lower basalts, interbedded lacustrine deposits and upper basalts.[19] Almost at the same time, the Mekelle Dolerite intruded the Mesozoic sediments following joints and faults.[20]
A new magma intrusion occurred in the Early Miocene, what gave rise to a few phonolite plugs in Dogu’a Tembien.[19] The present geomorphology is marked by deep valleys, eroded as a result of the regional uplift. Throughout the Quaternary deposition of alluvium and freshwater tufa occurred in the valley bottoms.[21]
The vast areas with outcropping Antalo Limestone hold numerous caves.
At Zeyi (Шаблон:Coord), the monumental Zeyi Abune Aregawi church holds the entrance to Northern Ethiopia's largest cave. The 364-metres long oval gallery displays stalactites, stalagmites, decametre-high columns, bell-holes following joints, and speleothems on walls and floor.[25][26]
The 145-metres long Zeleqwa horizontal gallery is located in a cliff nearby the river of the same name (Шаблон:Coord). At the upper side of the cliff, there is an alignment of cavities: the “windows” of a gallery parallel to cliff and river. The cave floor holds with clay pots that would have served as food containers for villagers who went there hiding during an early 20th C. conflict.[27]
The Tinsehe caves, a cave system opening into the Upper Tsaliet River gorge near Addi Idaga (Шаблон:Coord). The entrance near a small church is behind a waterfall 100 meters high.[28]
The Dabo Zellelew cave in Aregen at a height of about 2000 metres, has been explored over 14.4 m but its distance is claimed to be way longer (Шаблон:Coord). It contains lithic tools, potsherds, engravings and paintings of Pastoral Neolithic age.[3][4]
The Mihdar Ab’ur cave in the village of Mahba in Aregen at a height of about 2500 metres, is some 64 m long (Шаблон:Coord). It contains engravings and paintings of Pastoral Neolithic age.[3]
The Danei Kawlos cave in the Tsech'i gorge at the west of Menachek at a height of about 2020 metres, is some 13.5 metres long (Шаблон:Coord). It contains lithic tools, potsherds, and faunal remains of Pastoral Neolithic age.[4]
The May Hib’o cave (Шаблон:Coord), a 70-metres long horizontal gallery, holds underground springs.[29]
Numerous other unexplored cave entrances are visible in Antalo Limestone cliffs.[27]
Rock-hewn churches
Файл:Access to Dabba Selama.jpgDabba Selama monastery on a mesa - the visitor will walk over the narrow ledge and then climb the vertical cliff
Like several other districts in Tigray, Dogu'a Tembien has a number of rock-hewn churches. These have literally been hewn from rock, mainly between the 10th and 14th centuries.[30][31][32]
The almost inaccessible Dabba Selama monastery (Шаблон:Coord) is assumed to be the first monastery established in Ethiopia, by Saint Frumentius. The intrepid visitor will climb down, then scramble over narrow ledges along precipices, and finally climb an overhanging cliff. The mesa also comprises a church hewn in Adigrat Sandstone, in shape of a small basilica. The carvers attempted to establish four bays as well as with a recess. The pillars are rounded (which is uncommon) and expand at either end, supporting arches that appear as triangles. Women are not allowed to do the ascent, nor to visit monastery or church. Independently from the difficult access to the monastery, the surrounding sandstone geomorphology is unique.[30][32]
The Amani’el church in May Baha (Шаблон:Coord) has also been carved in Adigrat Sandstone. Behind a pronaos (1960s), the rock church has cruciform columns, flat beams and a flat ceiling, a single arch, and a flat rear wall without apse. Windows give light to the church itself. Emperor Yohannes IV was baptised in this church.[30][32][33]
The Yohannes rock church at Debre Sema’it (Шаблон:Coord) is located in the top of a rock pinnacle that overlooks Addi Nefas village. This church has also been hewn in Adigrat Sandstone.[33]
The Lafa Gebri’al rock church (Шаблон:Coord) is now disused. It was hewn in a tufa plug. The church boosts a semi-circular wooden arch of approx. 1.5 metre across (in one piece).[33]
Ruba Bich’i's village church (Шаблон:Coord) is also an ancient rock-hewn church in freshwater tufa, and still in use.
The church of Kurkura Mika’el (Шаблон:Coord), in a very scenic position in a small forest behind limestone pinnacles, is some 30 years old (File:Antalo Limestone at Kurkura.jpg). Behind it, the remnant of the earlier church established in a natural cave of 20 metres by 20 metres. The roof of the cave is covered with sooth, evidencing the fact that the villagers took cover here, during the Italian bombardments of the Tembien battles in the mid-1930s.
The Kidane Mihret rock church at Ab’aro (Шаблон:Coord), is surrounded by tufa plugs, springs and a cluster of trees. The church was established in widened caves of the tufa plug.[33]
Just outside the district, on the western slopes of the Dogu’a Tembien massif, there are seven other rock churches.
Mika’el Samba (Шаблон:Coord) is a rock church hewn in Adigrat Sandstone. It holds grave cells off the main space. As Mika'el Samba is not a village church, priests are only present on the monthly Mika’els day, the twelfth day in the Ethiopian calendar.[30]
The Maryam Hibeto rock church (Шаблон:Coord) is located at the edge of a church forest. It is hewn in Adigrat Sandstone, with a pronaos in front of it. On both sides of the main church, there are elongated chambers, maybe been the beginnings of an ambulatory. To enter the church, one has to go down a few. Remarkably, at the entrance, a pool of water is fed by a spring.[30]
The Welegesa church (Шаблон:Coord) is hewn in Adigrat Sandstone. The entrance to the church is part of the rock, forming two courtyards, both hewn but not open at the upper side. The first courtyard holds graves; between the two, there is a block of stone with a cross in the window opening in its centre. The three-aisled church has a depth of four bays. There are entrances on both sides through hewn corridors. The church ceiling has a consistent height, holding cupolas, arches and capitals in each bay. The hewn tabot is in an apse. The sophisticated plan comprises a central axis and two open courtyards that cut deep into the rock.[30]
Itsiwto Maryam rock church (Шаблон:Coord) is hewn in Adigrat Sandstone. The church has a continuous hipped ceiling to the centre aisle. There are carved diagonal crosses as well as a cross carved above the arch into the sanctuary. The ceiling holds longitudinal beams that form a continuous lintel, which is similar to traditional Tigrayan workmanship. The church is at risk of collapse and hence access is not permitted.[30]
The Kidane Mihret rock church of Addi Nefas (Шаблон:Coord) in Adigrat Sandstone is a rather primitive rock church, protected from the weather by a pronaos that surrounds the entrance. The church comprises two circular well-carved cells that are used for baptisms. Above the sanctuary there is a series of small blind arcades. Beside the ancient church, a new cave is under excavation. Down from the church there are irrigated tropical gardens. Under cover trees, farmers grow coffee, local hops (gesho), and a few orange or lemon trees. Grivet monkeys are common and prevent growing of bananas.[30]
Other hewn caves
At several places, people have excavates caves in the sandstone. The larger ones, and most known are the TPLF caves in Addi Geza'iti. Here, in the 1980s, the party established underground rooms and offices cut out in sandstone cliffs, the TPLF carried out its political activities, including a major land reform; it was from here that the offensives were organised till the conquest of Addis Ababa in 1991. In nearby Melfa, the Amhara EPDM party had its own headquarters in a cave.
Traditional uses of rock
As Dogu'a Tembien holds a wide variety of rock types, there is expectedly a varied use of rock.
Natural stone masonry. Preferentially, the easier shaped limestone and sandstone are used to build homesteads and churches, but particularly in the upland areas, basalt is also used. Traditionally, fermented mud will be used as mortar
Church bells, generally three elongated plates in phonolite or clinkstone, with different tonalities
Milling stone: for this purpose plucked-bedrock pits, small rock-cut basins that naturally occur in rivers with kolks, are excavated from the river bed and further shaped. Milling is done at home using an elongated small boulder[34][35]
Door and window lintels, prepared from rock types that frequently have an elongated shape (sandstone, phonolite, limestone), or that are easily shaped (tufa)
Troughs for livestockwatering and feeding, generally hewn from tufa
Footpath paving, generally done as community work. Some very ancient paved footpaths occur on major communication lines dating back to the period before the introduction of the automobile
Heaped stones, in direct view of a church, where foot travellers stop, pray and put an additional stone
Stones collected from farmlands in order to free space for the crop, and heaped in typical rounded metres-high heaps, called zala
Average annual precipitation (in Hagere Selam) is 778 mm. Mean temperature is 13.3 °C, oscillating between average daily minimum of 10.9 °C and maximum of 22 °C. As it is common at tropical latitudes, the contrasts between day and night air temperatures are much larger than seasonal contrasts. The rainfall pattern, however, shows a very high seasonality with 70 to 80% of the annual rain falling in July and August. The annual seasons are “hagay” (dry season in winter), “belgi” (spring rains), “kremti” (main summer rains) and “qew'i” (autumn), when the crops are ripening off.[36]
In the summer rainy season the dominant wind direction is from the southwest, whereas in the rest of the year winds blow from the east.[36]
About three quarters of Dogu’a Tembien (800 km2) drains to Giba River, and the remaining quarter (240 km2) to the Weri’i River.[40] The general drainage is westward, to the Tekezze River. Main tributaries in Dogu’a Tembien, from upstream to downstream, are[10]
At the lower part of the Antalo Limestone, where it lies on the Adigrat Sandstone, there are high discharge resurgences that drain the karstaquifer. The large resurgence in Rubaksa (Шаблон:Coord) irrigates an oasis in a dry limestone gorge. At Inda Mihtsun (Шаблон:Coord), the May Bilbil resurgence is inside the bed of the Giba River; in the dry season spring water surges through the baseflow of the river. Also in Ferrey, on the slopes of the Tsaliet gorge, resurgences allow to irrigate gardens with tropical fruits.[41][42]
Reservoirs
In this area with rains that last only for a couple of months per year, reservoirs of different sizes allow harvesting runoff from the rainy season for further use in the dry season. Overall they suffer from siltation.[43] Yet, they strongly contribute to greening the landscape, either through irrigation or seepage water. Main reservoirs are:
Lake Giba, a reservoir under construction on Giba river, mainly to provide water to Mekelle. This large lake, once established, will strongly impact the livelihood of the inhabitants of Emni Ankelalutabia
Smaller reservoirs (ponds), such as the one in the town of Hagere Selam, or in the village of Addi Qoylo
Traditional surface water harvesting ponds, particularly in places without permanent springs, called rahaya
Horoyo, household ponds, recently constructed through campaigns[44]
Environment
Soil
Шаблон:Main
The soils of Dogu’a Tembien reflect its longstanding agricultural history, highly seasonal rainfall regime, relatively low temperatures, an extremely great variety in lithology (with dominance of basalts and limestone) and steep slopes. Outstanding features in the soilscape are the fertile highland Vertisols and Phaeozems in church forests.[45][46][47][48][49]
The reduced soil protection by vegetation cover, combined with steep slopes and erosive rainfall has led to excessive soil erosion.[50]Nutrients and organic matter were lost and soil depth was reduced. Hence, soil erosion is an important problem, which results in low crop yields and biomass production.[51][52] As a response to the strong degradation and thanks to the hard labour of many people in the villages, soil conservation has been carried out on a large scale since the 1980s; this has curbed rates of soil loss.[53][54]
Measures include the construction of infiltration trenches, stone bunds,[55] check dams,[56] small reservoirs such as Chini and May Leiba as well as a major biological measure: exclosures in order to allow forest regeneration.[47] On the other hand, it remains difficult to convince farmers to carry out measures within the farmland (in situsoil management), such as bed and furrows or zero grazing, as there is a fear for loss of income from the land. Such techniques are however very effective.[57]
Vegetation
Exclosures
The woreda holds several exclosures, areas that are set aside for regreening.[58]
Typical examples are:
Wood harvesting and livestock range are not allowed there. Besides effects on biodiversity,[59][60][61]water infiltration, protection from flooding, sediment deposition,[47]carbon sequestration,[62] people commonly have economic benefits from these exclosures through grass harvesting, beekeeping and other non-timber forest products.[63] The local inhabitants also consider it as “land set aside for future generations”.[64] In Dogu’a Tembien, some exclosures are managed by the EthioTrees project. They have as an additional benefit that the villagers receive carbon credits for the sequestered CO2,[65] as part of a carbon offset programme.[66] The revenues are then reinvested in the villages, according to the priorities of the communities;[67] it may be for an additional class in the village school, a water pond, conservation in the exclosures, or a store for incense.[68] The following exclosures are managed by the Ethiotrees project in Dogu’a Tembien:[69]
The most common pest rodents with widespread distribution in agricultural fields and storage areas in Dogu’a Tembien (and in Tigray) are three Ethiopian endemic species: the Dembea grass rat (Arvicanthis dembeensis, sometimes considered a subspecies of Arvicanthis niloticus), Ethiopian white-footed rat (Stenocephalemys albipes), and Awash multimammate mouse (Mastomys awashensis).
[71]
With its numerous exclosures, forest fragments and church forests, Dogu’a Tembien is a birdwatcher's paradise. Detailed inventories[59][61] list at least 170 bird species, including numerous endemic species.
The farmlands are clearly demarcated and are cropped every year. Hence the agricultural system is a permanent upland farming system, and the population are not nomads.[73] In 2001, 72% of the farmers both raised crops and livestock, while 28% only grew crops; very few to none only raised livestock.[74] The term mixed farming is inappropriate however; it is rather a grain-plough complex. The first role of livestock is to support cropping.[75]
Cropping
A sample enumeration performed by the CSA in 2001 interviewed 22,002 farmers in this woreda, who held an average of 0.79 hectares of land. Of the 17,387 hectares of private land surveyed, 91% was in cultivation, 0.6% pasture, 5% fallow, 0.13% woodland, and 3% was devoted to other uses. For the land under cultivation in this woreda, 78% was planted in cereals, 12% in pulses, and 1.4% in oilseeds; the area planted in vegetables is missing. Ten hectares were planted in fruit trees and eleven in gesho. Land tenure in this woreda is distributed amongst 82% owning their land, 17% renting and 0.4% holding their land under other forms of tenure.[74]
Livestock
Importance of livestock
Livestock are in the first place cattle (especially oxen) and also goats, sheep, donkeys, mules and a lonely horse. An average family owns one or two oxen (six or eight for a rich family), one to three cows with their calf(s) (ten), 5 to 7 goats or sheep (20 or 30), and sometimes a donkey (three or four mules and donkeys for a rich family).[73]
Livestock are mainly a source of energy, hence they are part of the permanent farming system: oxen are ploughing and threshing and thus essential for crop production.[73][75]
Donkeys provide energy: they transport heavy loads such as crop harvests, large stones for building, and traded goods. Additionally, sheep and goats are considered as an insurance for difficult times.[73]
Meat and milk production are only of secondary importance. All in all, livestock productivity is low as there are shortages of fodder (crop residues). No forage crops are grown, livestock access all fallow land and harvested cropland for stubble grazing.[73]
During the cropping season the lands around the villages are not accessible for grazing. Livestock owners have three alternatives:[78][75]
annual transhumance, particularly towards remote and vast grazing grounds
daily movements with livestock back-and-forth to the grazing grounds, the “home range herders” – they travel back and forth daily to grazing grounds that are a few kilometres away
keeping livestock nearby to the homesteads In some villages most people with not practice transhumance, but even in villages which practice transhumance, some will prefer using the nearby grazing grounds.
If the grazing lands are far from the village, deep in the gorge, livestock will stay there overnight (transhumance) with children and a few adults keeping them.[78]
Some examples:
The cattle of Addi Geza’iti (2580 m) are brought every rainy season to the gorge of River Tsaliet (1930 m) that holds dense vegetation. The cattle keepers establish enclosures for the cattle and places for them to sleep, often in rock shelters. The cattle stay there until harvesting time, when they are needed for threshing, and when the stubble becomes available for grazing.[78]
Many cattle of Haddinnet and also Ayninbirkekin tabias are brought to the foot of the escarpment at Ab’aro, with all herds passing through Ksad Azef pass. Cattle stay on there on wide rangelands. Some cattle keepers move far down to open woodland and establish their camp in large caves in sandstone. Файл:Kayeh Be'ati, "red caves" in Adigrat Sandstone, near Gelebeda.jpgThe “red caves” or Kayeh Be’ati in Adigrat Sandstone, a preferred destination for transhumance
In the Giba River gorge, the peasants care seasonally for communal incense trees (Boswellia papyrifera). This is a landscape that has been created by close to a hundred generations of peasants for the production of incense. This was already exported to the sea ports and to pharaonic Egypt, and later to ancient Rome.[7][68]
Rural youngsters seasonally migrate also to the uninhabited Weri’i River area, to wash gold out of the sediments.[7]
Additional activities to assure income include trading and daily labour in Hagere Selam, internal migration in the dry season and (until the recent past) salt trade.
The traditional farmers’ homesteads are maybe not luxurious but evidence a quality of life.[7]
As of 2013, 100 church institutions were registered in the woreda. Churches and monasteries in the woreda that contain historical manuscripts and artefacts include:[1]
Qorrar Däbrä Mädḫanit Qǝddǝst Maryam gädam
Kunale ʾArbaʿtu ʾƎnsǝsa
Tänsǝḥe Kidanä Mǝḥrät gädam
Tägoga Däbrä Nazret Kidanä Mǝḥrät gädam
ʾAräbay Qǝddus Mikaʾel
May Bäʿatti Däbrä Gännät ʾArbaʿtu ʾƎnsǝsa
ʾAlʿasa Qǝddus Mikaʾel
Qäqäma Qǝddǝst Maryam Däbrä Gännät gädam
Zala ʾƎnda ʾAmanuʾel gädam
Rubaḵusa Qǝddus Giyorgis gädam
Rural sociology
Cattle ownership
Cattle, and particularly oxen, traditionally have social, economic and insurance value. This has contributed to wealth differentiation, structuring debts and management of the households.[73][75]
Gendered division of labour
The ox-plough based agriculture, which has characterised Dogu’a Tembien since thousands of years, not only has shaped the agricultural landscape; it also forms the basis of social relationships. There is for instance a gendereddivision of labour, as women are traditionally focussed on weeding and harvesting, as well as activities at home, and men work in the fields at ploughing and threshing times. Ploughing by women has been (and often still is) a cultural taboo.[73][75]
Just like Kola Tembien, Dogu'a Tembien is known for the frenetic Awrus dancing style[79][7]
Yearly there is the girls’ festival Ashenda. Then, young women dominate the public space with dances and songs which is in strong contrast with the rest of the year. The rural ‘’Ashenda’’ is very different from the "standardised" urban festival.[7]
Also in summer, there is the boys’ festival Hawariat, where they clack whips. This lasts for about a week.[7]
The Siwa local beer culture
In almost every household of Dogu'a Tembien, the woman knows how to prepare the local beer, siwa. Ingredients are water, a home-baked and toasted flat bread commonly made from barley in the highlands,[80][81][82] and from sorghum, finger millet or maize in the lower areas,[83] some yeast (Saccharomyces cerevisiae),[84] and dried leaves of gesho (Rhamnus prinoides) that serve as a catalyser.[85] The brew is allowed to ferment for a few days, after which it is served, sometimes with the pieces of bread floating on it (the customer will gently blow them to one side of the beaker). The alcoholic content is 2% to 5%.[84] Most of the coarser part of the brew, the atella, remains back and is used as cattle feed.[75]
Siwa is consumed during social events, after (manual) work, and as an incentive for farmers and labourers. There are about a hundred traditional beer houses (Inda Siwa), often in unique settings, all across Dogu'a Tembien.
Tourism
Hotspots for domestic tourism are the Dabba Selama and Dabba Hadera monasteries as well as the Addi Geza'iti man-made cave that was used as TPLF headquarters during the Ethiopian civil war; geo-tourism is developing.[86] Touristic attractions, potential for geotourism and trekking are detailed in the articles related to municipalities of Dogu'a Tembien.
