Английская Википедия:Gallagher index

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Шаблон:Short description

Файл:Gallagher index map.svg
Map of Gallagher index for latest election as of 2023 Шаблон:Col-begin Шаблон:Col-break Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Col-break Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Col-break Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Legend Шаблон:Col-end

The Gallagher index measures an electoral system's relative disproportionality between votes received and seats in a legislature.[1][2] As such, it measures the difference between the percentage of votes each party gets and the percentage of seats each party gets in the resulting legislature, and it also measures this disproportionality from all parties collectively in any one given election. That collective disproportionality from the election is given a precise score, which can then be used in comparing various levels of proportionality among various elections from various electoral systems.[3] The Gallagher index is a statistical analysis methodology utilised within political science, notably the branch of psephology.

Michael Gallagher, who created the index, referred to it as a "least squares index", inspired by the sum of squares of residuals used in the method of least squares. The index is therefore commonly abbreviated as "LSq" even though the measured allocation is not necessarily a least squares fit. The Gallagher index is computed by taking the square root of half the sum of the squares of the difference between percent of votes (<math>V_i</math>) and percent of seats (<math>S_i</math>) for each of the political parties (<math>i=1,\ldots,n</math>).Шаблон:Sfn

<math>\mathrm{LSq} = \sqrt{ \frac{1}{2} \sum_{i=1}^n ( V_i-S_i ) ^2}</math>  Шаблон:Sfn

The division by 2 gives an index whose values range between 0 and 100. The larger the differences between the percentage of the votes and the percentage of seats summed over all parties, the larger the Gallagher index. The larger the index value the larger the disproportionality and vice versa. Michael Gallagher included "other" parties as a whole category, and Arend Lijphart modified it, excluding those parties. Compared to the Loosemore–Hanby index, the Gallagher index is more sensitive to large discrepancies.Шаблон:Sfn Other indices measuring the proportionality between seat share and party vote share are the Loosemore–Hanby index, Rae index, and the Sainte-Laguë Index.

Файл:Comparison of the Gallagher Index of Greece and selected countries.svg
Comparison of Gallagher indices of various countries since 1945

History

The first publication of the use of least squares in measuring the dis-proportionality of election outcomes was by Michael Gallagher in 1991: In Michael Gallagher's Electoral Systems web site he offers a PDF download under "Values of Indices" [4] in which he writes: "These [election] indices were originally outlined in Markku Laakso and Rein Taagepera, ‘ “Effective” number of parties: a measure with application to west Europe’, Comparative Political Studies 12:1 (1979), pp. 3–27 (effective number of parties), and Michael Gallagher, ‘Proportionality, disproportionality and electoral systems’, Electoral Studies 10:1 (1991), pp. 33–51 (least squares index)."

Application in Canada

The Gallagher index gained considerable attention in Canada in December 2016 in the context of efforts to reform Canada's electoral system.[5][6] The Special Committee on Electoral Reform (a Parliamentary Committee) recommended "that the Government should, as it develops a new electoral system, use the Gallagher index in order to minimize the level of distortion between the popular will of the electorate and the resultant seat allocations in Parliament." The committee recommended that "the government should seek to design a system that achieves a Gallagher score of 5 or less."[7][8]

Examples of calculating disproportionality

Canada

In the 2015 Canadian federal election, the Gallagher index was 12.02, where 0 would be a perfectly proportional election outcome.[9]

Шаблон:Gallagher index

Australia

This table uses for example the 2012 Queensland state election, one of the largest landslides in Australian electoral history. Though Australia and New Zealand have somewhat similar political histories, Australia uses preferential voting in Single-member districts for Commonwealth House of Representative and most state and territory Legislative Assembly elections, which tends to result in far less proportionality compared to New Zealand's MMP system (or other proportional electoral systems), especially for larger minor parties, such as The Greens or, historically, the Australian Democrats. The 2012 Queensland election had an extremely high Gallagher Index, at 31.16, due to the massive landslide in seats for the victorious LNP. The LNP gained 88% of the seats with less than 50% of the vote. Most recent Australian state and federal elections however score between 10 and 12. Шаблон:Gallagher index

EU

The 7 political groups of the European Parliament instead of the 203 political parties[10] allow a concise calculation of disproportionality between votes and seats. The Gallagher index for the European Parliament is 7.87. Шаблон:Gallagher index

Sweden

The disproportionality of the 2018 Swedish general election was 1.8 according to the Gallagher index, which is extremely low by international standards (resulting in almost perfectly proportional seat allocations), due to Sweden's use of the modified Sainte-Laguë method in elections to the Riksdag.

Republic of Ireland

The disproportionality of the 2020 Irish general election was 1.96 according to the Gallagher index. The Republic of Ireland uses the single transferable vote (STV) system with Droop quota in elections to the Dáil Éireann.

United States

This table uses the aggregate results of the 2016 elections to the United States House of Representatives. These 435 single-seat elections are winner-take-all, which would tend to create disproportionate results, but this is moderated by the extremely high share of votes obtained by the two major parties—more than 97%, likely in part caused by fears of wasted votes and vote splitting. The Gallagher index ignores the effect of the primaries on the proportionality. Шаблон:Gallagher index

Countries

Шаблон:Dynamic list

In Michael Gallagher's Electoral Systems web site he offers a PDF download under "Values of Indices." [11] Those Gallagher indices for individual countries are listed below. Only the last available index for each country is shown.

Country Year Gallagher Index
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 4.57
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 16.47
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 4.32
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 8.79
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 5.14
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 10.74
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 16.72
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 1.85
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 25.01
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 28.92
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 3.92
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 23.51
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 19.02
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023-24 24.70
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 2.60
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 5.30
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 12.26
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 3.53
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 3.77
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 8.16
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 3.54
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 13.39
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 9.58
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 4.60
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 8.26
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 7.47
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 6.44
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 10.34
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 1.13
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 6.55
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 7.32
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 3.16
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 4.66
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 7.87
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 1.66
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 4.75
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 3.99
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 12.81
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 7.93
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 8.68
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 3.48
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 2.64
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 12.88
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 8.97
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 2.75
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 7.97
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 8.85
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 2.14
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 10.81
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 0.52
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 6.41
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 11.76
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 3.96
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 16.06
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 4.51
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 2.22
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 4.40
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 12.37
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 20.62
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 11.43
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 3.26
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 10.65
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 6.03
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 10.13
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 5.62
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 9.49
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 5.96
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 8.56
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 6.99
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 2.24
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 12.96
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 8.80
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 8.44
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 10.37
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 28.19
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 4.93
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 4.18
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 2.45
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 0.98
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 6.02
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 1.46
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 2.63
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020-21 8.10
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 7.78
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 3.27
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 7.80
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 3.65
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 14.96
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 9.53
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 14.02
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 6.46
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 7.85
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 6.14
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 15.97
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 28.97
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 10.37
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 1.91
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 7.04
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 7.03
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 2.73
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 3.80
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 15.33
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 2.44
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 21.67
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 7.44
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 11.49
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 0.47
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 13.65
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 5.67
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 4.54
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 8.70
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 0.64
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 3.60
Шаблон:Flaglist 2024 8.19
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 5.51
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 6.06
Шаблон:Flaglist 2020 3.55
Шаблон:Flaglist 2023 3.61
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 14.90
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 10.62
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 11.80
Шаблон:Flaglist 2022 0.82
Шаблон:Flaglist 2019 1.73
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 9.36
Шаблон:Flaglist 2021 5.21

See also

Notes

Шаблон:Reflist

References

External links

Шаблон:Portal

Шаблон:Politics country lists

  1. Шаблон:Cite report
  2. Шаблон:Cite news
  3. This is discussed in simple English at Шаблон:Cite web
  4. Шаблон:Cite web
  5. Шаблон:Cite news
  6. Шаблон:Cite news
  7. Шаблон:Cite news
  8. Шаблон:Cite web
  9. The rules for federal elections in Canada require that certain provinces always get a certain quantity of seats – on a province by province basis. If so, then Byron Weber Becker proposed that the Gallagher index for Canada ought to ALSO reflect that. In other words, the Gallagher data should be collected on a province by province basis; and the Gallagher score should be calculated on a province by province basis. Only after that is done, can we then add up all of those provincial scores and then average them out to get the true national "composite Gallagher index" score. If we do that, then the illustrated table calculation of 12 for Canada is incorrect. It should instead show a "composite Gallagher index" of 17.1. Byron Weber Becker developed this "composite" index. See citation here: Шаблон:Cite report
  10. Шаблон:Cite web
  11. Шаблон:Cite web