Английская Википедия:Inshushinak

Материал из Онлайн справочника
Перейти к навигацииПерейти к поиску

Шаблон:Short description Шаблон:Infobox deity

Inshushinak (also Šušinak,Шаблон:Sfn Šušun;Шаблон:Sfn Linear Elamite: Файл:Inshushinak (Linear Elamite).jpg Insušinak, Cuneiform: Шаблон:Cuneiform dInšušinak) was the tutelary god of the city of Susa in Elam. His name has a Sumerian etymology, and can be translated as "lord of Susa". He was associated with kingship, and as a result appears in the names and epithets of multiple Elamite rulers. In Susa he was the main god of the local pantheon, though his status in other parts of Elam might have been different. He was also connected with justice and the underworld. His iconography is uncertain, though it is possible snakes were his symbolic animals. Two Mesopotamian deities incorporated into Elamite tradition, Lagamal and Ishmekarab, were regarded as his assistants. He was chiefly worshiped in Susa, where multiple temples dedicated to him existed. Attestations from other Elamite cities are less common. He is also attested in Mesopotamian sources, where he could be recognized as an underworld deity or as an equivalent of Ninurta. He plays a role in the so-called Susa Funerary Texts, which despite being found in Susa were written in Akkadian and might contain instructions for the dead arriving in the underworld.

Name

Inshushinak's name can be translated as "lord of Susa".Шаблон:Sfn It is a loanword which originated in Sumerian, with apheresis, otherwise rarely attested in this language, resulting in the shift from dnin-šušinak to Inshushinak.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn As suggested by Frans Wiggermann, Inshushinak's name might have originally developed in the Uruk period, when according to him Mesopotamians established a colony in Susa.Шаблон:Sfn He proposes that alongside Ninazu, Ningishzida, Ishtaran and Tishpak he can be considered one of the members of a category of deities he refers to as the "Transtigridian snake gods", who likely developed on the border between the cultural spheres of Mesopotamia and Elam.Шаблон:Sfn

The most common spelling of Inshushinak's name in cuneiform was dIn-šu-ši-na-ak, though other phonetic syllabic variants such as dIn-su-uš-na-ak, In-sú-uš-nak, dIn-šu-uš-na-ak and Šu-ši-na-ak are also attested, in addition to logographic ones.Шаблон:Sfn A well attested example of the latter is dMÚŠ.Шаблон:Sfn In Neo-Elamite sources the variant dMÚŠ.LAM is attested, with the last sign presumed to be derived from the Akkadian term lammu, used to designate the underworld.Шаблон:Sfn Further logographic spellings include dMÚŠ.EREN, dNIN.MÚŠ.EREN and dMÚŠ.ḪU.LAM.Шаблон:Sfn

Character

Tutelary god of Susa

It is assumed that Inshushinak's original role was that of tutelary god of Susa.Шаблон:Sfn He was also the main deity of the local pantheon,Шаблон:Sfn the ruler of the gods.Шаблон:Sfn He was also considered a royal god by Elamite rulers.Шаблон:Sfn An early Elamite source, the treaty with Naram-Sin of Akkad, states that "to the god Inshushinak a king is subject" (Inšušinak hurtur zukir), while in later times he was frequently invoked in royal theophoric names and epithets.Шаблон:Sfn For example, Atta-hushu referred to himself as the "shepherd of Inshushinak".Шаблон:Sfn Shutrukids commonly used the title "(king) whose kingdom Inshushinak loves".Шаблон:Sfn Multiple rulers dedicated new construction projects to Inshushinak.Шаблон:Sfn Jan Tavernier argues Inshushinak was initially elevated to a high position by Puzur-Inshushinak, and states that through history it reflected the political position of Susa, similarly to how the changes in the position of Marduk in Babylonia reflected the fate of the city of Babylon.Шаблон:Sfn Wouter Henkelman states that while Inshushinak's primacy was recognized across the Elamite lowlands around Susa, Elamite religion, like other ancient religions, should be understood as a "patchwork of local traditions", and as a result further east Humban and Napirisha were more commonly recognized as deities of comparable status instead.Шаблон:Sfn An inscription of Shilhak-Inshushinak refers to Inshushinak as the "greatest of gods" (or "great among the gods"; rišar nappapir), though the same epithet is also applied to Humban in this text.Шаблон:Sfn Katrin De Graef suggests that an oath from the Sukkalmah period (Шаблон:Circa 1880-1450 BCE; roughly contemporary with the Old Babylonian periodШаблон:Sfn) which invokes Napirisha before Inshushinak might indicate that at the time Susa was a dependence of Anshan, where the former was recognized as the main deity.Шаблон:Sfn

Inshushinak was strongly associated with the acropolis (alumelu, a Loanword from Akkadian ālu elû, "high city") of Susa, its most elevated section, and he could be accordingly referred to as its lord (temti alimelu).Шаблон:Sfn An inscription from a stele of Shilhak-Inshushinak invoked him under this title and implored him to listen to his prayers and grant him his various requests.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn

God of justice

Another well attested aspect of Inshushinak's character was his role as a divine judge, which exemplified his connection to justice.Шаблон:Sfn In the Sukkalmah period he frequently appears in oath formulas in economic and legal documents alongside Ishmekarab.Шаблон:Sfn Sources from the same period also state that parties in agreements committed themselves to them by touching the kidinnu(Akkadian) or kiten (Elamite) of this god.Шаблон:Sfn This term is variously translated as "god-given royal power", "divinely-enforced legal protection", "legal authority", "legal order, rules" or "divine symbol, emblem".Шаблон:Sfn Its meaning is ultimately uncertain, though as pointed out by De Graef, it is possible that it was represented symbolically by a statue or an emblem, as indicated by the references to touching it.Шаблон:Sfn In the Neo-Elamite period the concept of kitin started to appear in royal inscription too, and one such text, attributed to Shutruk-Nahhunte, invokes Inshushinak as the deity responsible for bestowing kitin alongside the king.Шаблон:Sfn

Underworld god

Inshushinak was also associated with the underworldШаблон:Sfn and textual sources from Susa indicate that he was believed to reside in it.Шаблон:Sfn He was considered its lord in local tradition as well.Шаблон:Sfn Furthermore, his judicial authority was believed to extend to the land of the dead.Шаблон:Sfn However, it is not certain if he was recognized as the god of the underworld in the entirety of Elam, and it is possible individual areas had their own deities fulfilling an analogous role in local pantheons.Шаблон:Sfn Jan Tavernier notes an analogous role has been proposed for Kiririsha in Liyan and for Upurkupak in Choga Pahn, though he stresses this remains speculative.Шаблон:Sfn In the Neo-Elamite period, Inshushinak's underworld aspect apparently overshadowed all his other functions.Шаблон:Sfn He could be referred to as temti kukunnum lahakra, which is commonly translated as "lord of the dead in the kukunnum", a type of temple.Шаблон:Sfn However, it has been pointed out that the Elamite word stem laha- can also be translated as "hidden" or "secret", and it is not certain that epithets including it necessarily designated a given deity as related to the underworld; even in Inshushinak’s case it might have been used to refer to his other qualities.Шаблон:Sfn Yasmina Wicks on this basis translates it as "the lord who is hidden in the kukkunum".Шаблон:Sfn

Iconography

Файл:Bull-man protecting palmtree Louvre 14390-91.jpg
Bull-man protecting a palm tree, Decorative brick panel from the outer wall of a temple of Inshushinak in Susa (12th century BCE)

Inshushinak's iconography remains uncertain.Шаблон:Sfn It is assumed that the god handing the rod-and-ring symbol to a king on a stele of Untash-Napirisha from Susa is likely to be a depiction of him.Шаблон:Sfn While a connection between Inshushinak and snakes is not confirmed by textual sources, it has nonetheless been proposed that he was associated with these animals in Шаблон:Ill.Шаблон:Sfn It has been argued that a god depicted alongside a snake and a spring depicted on Elamite seals and reliefs from the beginning of the second millennium BCE up to the reign of Untrash-Napirisha might be him, though identification with Napirisha has also been proposed.Шаблон:Sfn Jan Tavernier goes as far as stating that snakes constituted his main symbol.Шаблон:Sfn Javier Álvarez-Mon instead suggests he might have been associated with a creature common in Elamite art which he describes as the "bird-headed griffin",Шаблон:Sfn though he stresses it is not impossible it was linked to other Elamite deities as well.Шаблон:Sfn Representations of these beings inscribed with a dedication to Inshushinak are known from Chogha Zanbil, but their native name is not preserved.Шаблон:Sfn Yasmina Wicks suggests that a fish-woman depicted on the aforementioned stele of Untash-Napirisha, who she compares to other similar hybrids attested in Elamite art, might have been an apotropaic being associated with him.Шаблон:Sfn

The figures on the Middle Elamite reliefs from the walls of the temple of Inshushinak are presumed to depict intercessory minor goddesses (dLAMA) and bull-men (kusarikku).Шаблон:Sfn

Associations with other deities

Lagamal and Ishmekarab

Lagamal and Ishmekarab, who both originated as Mesopotamian deities,Шаблон:SfnШаблон:SfnШаблон:Sfn were regarded as Inshushinak's assistants, and like him played a role in the journey of the dead to the afterlife in Elamite religion.Шаблон:Sfn During the judgment of the dead, Lagamal most likely acted as the prosecutor and Ishmekarab as a defender, as suggested based on the respective meanings of their names, "who has no mercy" and “who hears the prayer”.Шаблон:Sfn Wouter Henkelman metaphorically describes them as advocatus diaboli and advocatus dei.Шаблон:Sfn They were also responsible for executing Inshushinak's judgments.Шаблон:Sfn

In the past it was commonly assumed that Ishmekarab was regarded as Inshushinak's spouse, though this proposal relies on the assumption the former was a female deity, which remains uncertain.Шаблон:Sfn An inheritance document indicates that it was believed that Inshushinak and Ishmekarab were responsible for establishing the customary view that the position of a brother by adoption was equal to that of a biological brother.Шаблон:Sfn

Napirisha and Kiririsha

Файл:Kurangun panels, 2009-05-08.jpg
The Kurangun relief.

There is evidence that Inshushinak could form a triad with Napirisha and Kiririsha.Шаблон:Sfn It originally formed no earlier than in the first half of the nineteenth century BCE, with references only starting to appear commonly in texts from the Middle Elamite period.Шаблон:Sfn These three deities are invoked together in Untash-Napirisha's inscriptions from Chogha Zanbil and in texts attributed to Shilhak-Inshushinak.Шаблон:Sfn It has been suggested that since Inshushinak was the lead god of Susa and Napirisha held an analogous position in Anshan, rulers might have sometimes attempted to present them the same figure.Шаблон:Sfn For example, in a number of texts from Chogha Zanbil plural forms are not used when these two gods invoked at once where they would be necessary according to the grammar of the Elamite language.Шаблон:Sfn It has been argued that the Шаблон:Ill relief, which depicts a male deity variously interpreted as either of them by modern authors, might have been a product of this process.Шаблон:Sfn Milad Jahangirfar states that most likely both of them nonetheless maintained separate identities, though Inshushinak likely acquired some traits from Napirisha.Шаблон:Sfn

In the past attempts have been made to present Kiririsha as the spouse of both Inshushinak and Napirisha, but this view is not considered plausible anymore.Шаблон:Sfn Primary sources commonly recognize her and Napirisha as a couple.Шаблон:Sfn

Ea and Inzak

It is possible that Inshushinak was associated, though not necessarily equated, with Mesopotamian Ea and Dilmunite Inzak in Elamite context.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn It has been argued that an Akkadian text attributed to Temti-Agun uses both of the latter names as epithets of Inshushinak.Шаблон:Sfn Furthermore, it has been proposed that the fact a single inscription states that Puzur-Inshushinak's father was named Šu-Ea rather than Šimbi-išuk-Inšušinak might be an indication that these two gods were syncretised.Шаблон:Sfn

Worship

The earliest Elamite source mentioning Inshushinak is the treaty between Naram-Sin of Akkad and an Elamite ruler, possibly Khita of Awan.Шаблон:Sfn This identification is commonly cited in modern literature, though it ultimately remains uncertain, and it is not clear if the Elamite signatory, who is left nameless, hailed from Awan at all.Шаблон:Sfn While Inshushinak is only listed sixth among the gods invoked as its divine witnesses, after Pinikir, Humban, Amba, Zit and Nahhunte,Шаблон:Sfn he appears multiple times through the document, with four certain references and further five tentatively restored ones.Шаблон:Sfn Wouter Henkelman on this basis suggests that it is not impossible that the text reflects the cultural milieu of Susa, rather than Awan.Шаблон:Sfn

Susa

The last king of the Awan dynasty, Puzur-Inshushinak (reigned Шаблон:Circa 2100 BCE), instated daily offerings to Inshushinak in Susa, which constitutes the oldest known reference to such a practice in sources from Elam.Шаблон:Sfn It is possible that the meat of the sheep offered to him at dawn and dusk was then consumed by religious personnel.Шаблон:Sfn The inscription commemorating this event invokes Inshushinak alongside Shamash, Enlil, Enki, Ishtar, Sin, Ninhursag, Narunte and "the totality of the gods" in a curse formula.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn

Most likely multiple temples dedicated to Inshushinak existed in Susa.Шаблон:Sfn Most likely they stood near the acropolis of Susa, as indicated by the discovery of numerous inscribed bricks and three houses of worship, one of which is known to have been dedicated to Inshushinak, during excavations.Шаблон:Sfn It is located in the southeast of this area.Шаблон:Sfn Textual sources indicate of the houses of worship dedicated to him bore the ceremonial Sumerian name Ekikununna ("house, princely pure place") or Ekikuanna ("house, pure place of heaven").Шаблон:Sfn According to Françoise Grillot-Susini both of these names might be attempts at creating a Sumerian writing of the Elamite term kukunnum.Шаблон:Sfn It has been proposed that it referred to the temple on the top of a ziggurat, possibly with funerary connotations.Шаблон:Sfn It was rebuilt by Indattu-Inshushinak and Indattu IIШаблон:Sfn from the Shimashki dynasty.Шаблон:Sfn It is agreed that it should be considered separate from the "old temple" (É.GAR8 GIBIL) restored by the sukkalmah Kuk-Kirwaš, but it remains uncertain if the latter can also be distinguished from the temples mentioned in inscriptions of Puzur-Inshushinak and Shulgi of Ur.Шаблон:Sfn Another of the temples of Inshushinak was referred to as haštu, "tomb".Шаблон:Sfn Presumably this naming choice reflected the worship of Inshushinak's underworld aspect.Шаблон:Sfn It has been argued that the É.DÙ.A (reading uncertain), a structure mentioned in an inscription on a stela of Tepti-ahar according to which its six guards were supposed to provide specific commodities during "the festivals of abu, the four days of tašritu,Шаблон:Efn the feast of the deity Kirwašir, and the day of the new moon" might have been a temple or another "edifice with a funerary function" dedicated to Inshushinak, though the term has also been alternatively interpreted as referring to a tomb or as a vague designation for a construction project.Шаблон:Sfn The structure was restored by Inshushinak-shar-Ilani in the Middle Elamite period.Шаблон:Sfn

Inshushinak could also be venerated in sanctuaries known as siyan husame, "temple in the grove", which as indicated by their name were located within sacred groves, well attested in Elamite sources.Шаблон:Sfn However, they are not attested in sources from Susa predating the Middle Elamite period.Шаблон:Sfn They might have played a role in a funerary cult.Шаблон:Sfn It has been suggested that this might have been true for the siyan husame in general, but while multiple deities for whom such structures are attested, including Inshushinak, Ishmekarab, Lagamal, Kiririsha and possibly Napirisha, were associated with the underworld, others, like Manzat, Simut and Suhsipa, lacked such a connection.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn Furthermore, the proposed identification between siyan husame and haštu, in the past used to support this proposal, is no longer accepted, as they are listed as two separate types of structures in the text EKI 48.Шаблон:Sfn

A type of monumental gates, hiel, could be dedicated to Inshushinak too, and might have represented the entrance to the underworld.Шаблон:Sfn However, this conclusion is not certain, as they could be dedicated to various deities, not all of whom have been conclusively proven to be connected to beliefs pertaining to death and the afterlife.Шаблон:Sfn

Other cities

A stele of Shilhak-Inshushinak discovered in the temple of Inshushinak located at the acropole of Susa enumerates twenty siyan husame restored by this king, most of which were dedicated to Inshushinak, including these located in Tēttu, Ša Attata-mitik, Ekallat, Bīt Turni (restoration partially uncertain), Ša Attata-ekal-likrup, Marrut, Ša Hantallak and possibly Perraperra.Шаблон:Sfn Most of these toponyms are otherwise unattested, and it has been argued that they must have been located near the city.Шаблон:Sfn However, Wouter Henkelman argues that sanctuaries of Inshushinak might have not been located only in the proximity of Susa, with siyan husame dedicated to him possibly serving as "markers of royal power" in other parts of Elam.Шаблон:Sfn

A ziggurat dedicated to Inshushinak existed in Chogha Zanbil (Al-Untash-Napirisha), a city originally established by Untash-Napirisha.Шаблон:Sfn In inscriptions from this site he is identified as the "lord of the dead in the siyan kuk", a term referring to the local temple complex.Шаблон:Sfn A sanctuary dedicated jointly to him and Napirisha was located on top of it.Шаблон:Sfn He also had a sanctuary in this location referred to with the term likrin, a hapax legomenon whose translation remains uncertain.Шаблон:Sfn

Attestations of temples of Inshushinak are largely limited to texts from Susa and Chogha Zanbil.Шаблон:Sfn However, an inscription of Untash-Napirisha from Tappeh Deylam preserved in six copies also mentions the construction of a sanctuary dedicated to him, Шаблон:Ill and Tepti.Шаблон:Sfn Near the end of the Middle Elamite period, around 1125 BCE, a temple dedicated jointly to him, Napirisha, Kiririsha and Simut was built in Anshan by king Шаблон:Ill.Шаблон:Sfn It was designated by the otherwise unattested term, siyan tarin, "temple of the alliance", though it is not known if this name it refers to a secular alliance, to an alliance between worshipers and deities, or to one between the four deities worshiped together in it.Шаблон:Sfn However, it is assumed that Inshushinak was not commonly venerated in Anshan, and he is otherwise only attested there in a small number of theophoric names.Шаблон:Sfn

Late attestations

Inshushinak continued to be worshiped in Neo-Elamite times.Шаблон:Sfn In one of the oldest texts possible to date to this period, Шаблон:Ill (716–699 BCE) states that he reinstalled three statues representing deceased kings in the kukkunum of Inshushinak.Шаблон:Sfn These included his father Huban-mena as well as two earlier rulers from the Shutrukid dynasty, Hutelutush-Inshushinak and Šilhina-hamru-Lagamar.Шаблон:Sfn The goal of this act might have been to link his own rule with an earlier Elamite dynasty.Шаблон:Sfn The same ruler also apparently relocated a kukunnum of Inshushinak from Susa to Karintaš, possibly to be identified with Kerend-e Gharb on the road from Baghdad and Kermanshah, to protect it.Шаблон:Sfn A new temple dedicated to him was built in Susa by Шаблон:Ill.Шаблон:Sfn A late administrative archive from Susa mentions the otherwise unattested phenomenon of local manifestations of Inshushinak, linked to Amperi, Halumirashi and Haran.Шаблон:Sfn

Heidemarie Koch argued that Inshushinak ceased to be worshiped after the emergence of the Achaemenid state,Шаблон:Sfn but Wouter Henkelman points out in a more recent publication that while there is no source from Achaemenid Susa which would make it possible to evaluate whether he remained the main god of this city, based on parallels with the cults of Napirisha and Humban it is likely that he continued to be worshiped in the lowlands, and his cult might have enjoyed royal patronage.Шаблон:Sfn Yasmina Wicks notes that it is possible that Tepti-Huban-Inšušinak II, who might have reigned in the Achaemenid period as a vassal of Cyrus II, mentions Inshushinak (as well as Pinikir) in his inscriptions.Шаблон:Sfn Шаблон:Ill, the last attested Neo-Elamite ruler,Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Efn also invoked Inshushinak in an inscription meant to highlight his dedication to the god of Susa and to the city's population, though it has been noted he most likely reigned from elsewhere, possibly from a mountains part of modern Khuzestan.Шаблон:Sfn

Mesopotamian reception

Файл:Foundation nail-Sb 2879-P5280608-gradient.jpg
Foundation nail dedicated by Shulgi to Inshushinak, found in Susa. Louvre Museum

The oldest known Mesopotamian reference to Inshushinak has been identified in an Early Dynastic god list from Abu Salabikh.Шаблон:Sfn It has been dated to 2500 BCE, and predates the treaty of Naram-Sin, which makes it the first known reference to this god.Шаблон:Sfn In the Ur III period, king Shulgi of Ur rebuilt a temple dedicated to him located in Susa which according to his inscriptions bore the name A’arkeš.Шаблон:Sfn Daniel Potts concludes that its name has no clear etymology and points out it is not attested in any other sources.Шаблон:Sfn

Inshushinak is attested in the god list An = Anum (tablet V, line 286).Шаблон:Sfn He appears in it as a member of a group of deities associated with the underworld and with snakes alongside Ereshkigal, Ninazu, Ningishzida, Tishpak, Ishtaran and their courtiers, such as Irnina or Nirah.Шаблон:Sfn However, no courtiers or family members are attributed to him.Шаблон:Sfn Marten Stol states that this text designates him as one of the sons of Tishpak alongside Nanshak, Pappasānu, Me-SUḪUR and Ishtaran.Шаблон:Sfn According to Manuel Ceccarelli, this connection most likely should be considered as a secondary Mesopotamian development, as it is unlikely the tutelary god of Susa would be recognized as the son of the god of Eshnunna in his own city.Шаблон:Sfn Inshushinak is also among the deities whose temples appear in the so-called Canonical Temple List, presumably compiled in the Kassite period and modeled after An = Anum.Шаблон:Sfn However, neither its full name nor location are preserved.Шаблон:Sfn Andrew R. George suggests that Inshushinak's placement in it might reflect an association between him and Ninurta known from late Mesopotamian sources.Шаблон:Sfn A direct equation between them is also attested.Шаблон:Sfn The god list An = Anum ša amēli explains Inshushinak as "Ninurta of silence" (Ninurta ša qūlti), though the implications of this passage remain poorly understood.Шаблон:Sfn An incantation which mentions Inshushinak, Saĝkud and Mes-sanga-Unug in sequenceШаблон:Sfn according to George might treat all three as forms of Ninurta.Шаблон:Sfn In the Epic of Anzû, Inshushinak ("Shushinak") is one of the names of Ninurta, said to designate him in Susa.Шаблон:Sfn Шаблон:Ill instead argued that in Mesopotamia Inshushinak was equated with Adad, but there is no evidence in any primary sources that would support this view, and Mesopotamian god lists instead recognize three otherwise unknown deities as his Elamite counterparts, Kunzibami, Šihhaš and Šennukušu.Шаблон:Sfn

In the incantation series Šurpu, Inshushinak appears in a sequence of Elamite deities invoked from Susa alongside Lahuratil, Humban and Napirisha.Шаблон:Sfn They are assigned a positive role as figures capable of releasing a patient from trouble.Шаблон:Sfn

Inshushinak is mentioned in the account of Ashurbanipal's campaign against Elam (646 BCE).Шаблон:Sfn In this context he is described as a "mysterious god who dwells in seclusion, (the god) whose divine features nobody was allowed to see", which according to Jan Tavernier offers a parallel to his Elamite epithets highlighting his "secret" or "hidden" nature.Шаблон:Sfn Reettakaisa Sofia Salo argues that the author of this text must have possessed some knowledge of the local traditions pertaining to him.Шаблон:Sfn

A man bearing the name Šibqat-Šušinak is mentioned in a single document from Seleucid Uruk.Шаблон:Sfn There is however no evidence for large-scale cult of Inshushinak in this location.Шаблон:Sfn Not much is also known about Šibqat-Šušinak beyond the fact that his daughter, who bore the Greek name Phanaia, was a slave.Шаблон:Sfn

Susa Funerary Texts

Inshushinak appears in the so-called Susa Funerary Texts.Шаблон:Sfn They were written in Akkadian typical for the late Old Babylonian period,Шаблон:Sfn Шаблон:Circa 1600-1500 BCE, though a slightly more recent date, Шаблон:Circa 1400 BCE, is also not impossible.Шаблон:Sfn Inshushinak is the only strictly Elamite deity mentioned in them, and it has been argued that their language, form and content reflect the well attested phenomenon of integration of scribes from Susa into the literary culture of Mesopotamia.Шаблон:Sfn Nathan Wasserman points out his presence in Akkadian literature from Susa can be compared to analogous cases of other locally popular gods, like Dagan or Itūr-Mēr in texts from Mari, Marduk in Babylon or Ashur in Assur.Шаблон:Sfn

The Susa Funerary Texts are considered unique because they constitute the only known examples of Akkadian compositions dealing with the underworld to be found in a grave in situ.Шаблон:Sfn It has been suggested that they might represent a guide for the dead.Шаблон:Sfn However, it is possible they do not form a single coherent composition, and they might not even all belong to the same genre.Шаблон:Sfn It is not impossible that they constitute a collection of excerpts from longer texts.Шаблон:Sfn Wasserman argues that it cannot be established with certainty to what degree they actually present the fate of the dead in the underworld,Шаблон:Sfn and states referring to them as "funerary" might be a misnomer, even though they do allude to the land of the dead.Шаблон:Sfn He proposes interpreting them as magical texts comparable to later Greco-Roman curse tablets instead.Шаблон:Sfn However, Yasmina Wicks in an earlier publication notes that questioning the funerary context of these texts has historically been a minority position.Шаблон:Sfn It is nonetheless recognized that even if this characterization is accepted, the Susa Funerary Texts would constitute the only example of funerary texts written in Akkadian,Шаблон:Sfn "a unit which is unique in the Mesopotamian literature."Шаблон:Sfn

According to Jan Tavernier's interpretation, the Susa Funerary Texts describe the deceased presenting themselves to the Anunnaki, in this context to be understood as a designation for the gods of the underworld,Шаблон:Efn and subsequently being escorted by Lagamal and Ishmekarab to receive Inshushinak's judgment.Шаблон:Sfn Wasserman notes it is possible the encounter with Inshushinak is described as taking place in a dream, which would offer a close parallel to a passage in the Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince involving the appearance of Ereshkigal in a similar context.Шаблон:Sfn It has been proposed that an additional figure involved in the judgment is a "weigher".Шаблон:Sfn However, this translation has not been universally accepted,Шаблон:Sfn and the concept of weighing of souls is not attested in any other cuneiform text.Шаблон:Sfn Tavernier, while he agrees that the Susa Funerary Textsshould be placed within the context of Mesopotamian literature and afterlife beliefs,Шаблон:Sfn suggests it could constitute a strictly Elamite concept incorporated into them, despite not being attested in any other Elamite sources either.Шаблон:Sfn He proposes comparisons with later Iranian beliefs as supplementary evidence, specifically arguing that the group consisting of Inshushinak, Ishmekarab and Lagamal can be compared to the Zoroastrian grouping of the yazatas Mithra, Sraosha and Rashnu.Шаблон:Sfn It is attested chiefly in Pahlavi texts, and does not appear in earlier Avesta.Шаблон:Sfn Similar comparisons have been made by other authors as well.Шаблон:SfnШаблон:Sfn However, this proposal did not find universal support.Шаблон:Sfn Tavernier admits that Inshushinak's and Mitra's names are dissimilar and Rashnu's ("justice") and Lagamal's ("who has no mercy") outright contradict each other, though he argues a parallel can be seen between Sraosha and Ishmekarab due to both of them bearing names with go back to terms meaning "hearing, hearkening".Шаблон:Sfn However, it is not impossible that this semantic parallel is accidental, as words referring to hearing are not an uncommon component of theonyms, as evidenced for example by the goddess Tashmetum, unrelated to either of these figures.Шаблон:Sfn Tavernier himself admits that the fact Sraosha only became a popular figure in the Parthian period, roughly in the first century BCE, which might indicate a time gap too significant to permit presenting him as analogous to Ishmekarab.Шаблон:Sfn He ultimately concludes the similarities might be accidental.Шаблон:Sfn Wasserman evaluated his treatment of the Susa Funerary Texts as a whole critically, and argues that it detaches them from their historical context, with Zoroastrian sources separated from them by two millennia treated as closer to them than contemporary Akkadian literature.Шаблон:Sfn

Notes

Шаблон:Notelist

References

Шаблон:Reflist

Bibliography

Шаблон:Refbegin

Шаблон:Refend